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The Social Order of the Êzîdî: Şêx, Pîr, Mirîd
For centuries, Êzîdî society has been organised into three hereditary estates: the spiritual estates of the Şêx and the Pîr, and the laity, the Mirîd. This system is not a social ranking but a reciprocal network of religious care and responsibility. This article explains how the order works, which duties and offices it comprises, why the comparison with the Indian caste system is misleading, and how the diaspora debates preservation and reform.
Status: 2026-06-11 · Proper names in Latin Kurmancî spelling · ezdixan.de Wiki
Contents
- What does it mean to have a Şêx and a Pîr?
- Overview: three estates, birth and endogamy
- The Şêx, the first spiritual estate
- The Pîr, the older priesthood
- The Mirîd, the great majority
- Why not a “caste system” like in India?
- The five fundamental duties (pênc ferz)
- Religious offices and dignitaries
- The Kirîv institution
- Change and debate in the diaspora
- Glossary of terms
- Sources
1. What does it mean to have a Şêx and a Pîr?
Whoever is born an Êzîdî is born not only into a family, but at the same time into a network of fixed spiritual relationships. From time immemorial, every Êzîdî family has had one particular Şêx and one particular Pîr: two spiritual companions from designated families, whose assignment has been passed down for generations. One does not choose them, and they do not change. They stand by the family at the great transitions of life: at the Bisk ceremony (the ritual cutting of the first locks of hair), at marriage, at the washing and burial of the dead, without them, these rites cannot be performed [2; 8].
What is special: this relationship is reciprocal and without gaps. A Şêx, too, has his own Şêx and Pîr, no one stands outside the network [2]. The Mirîd support their clergy materially; the clergy bear responsibility for the instruction and spiritual well-being of their Mirîd families [1; 2]. The Encyclopaedia Iranica sums it up: the difference between Şêx and Pîr lies “not in the nature of their religious tasks, but in descent” [1].
This web of relationships, and not a pyramid of rank, is the core of the Êzîdî social order.
2. Overview: three estates, birth and endogamy
2.1 The basic structure
Êzîdî society is divided into the clergy (ruhanî), consisting of the estates of the Şêx and the Pîr: and the laity (mirîd, Kurmancî: “pupil, follower”) [2; 3].
| Estate | Character | Core task |
|---|---|---|
| Şêx | spiritual, hereditary, three lineages | instruction and rites for the assigned Mirîd families; provide the highest offices |
| Pîr | spiritual, hereditary, traditionally 40 clans | care of the assigned families; the older priesthood, in religious terms practically equal to the Şêx |
| Mirîd | laity, the great majority | carry the religious and economic life; support the clergy through contributions |
How large the estates are cannot be stated precisely, the figures contradict one another: Omarkhali estimates the entire priesthood at about 6–7 % (Mirîd: 93–94 %) [3]; Tagay/Ortaç, by contrast, give around 15 % Şêx, 5 % Pîr, 80 % Mirîd [2]. What is certain: the great majority of the Êzîdî are Mirîd.
2.2 Membership by birth
Membership of an estate is acquired exclusively by birth and cannot be changed [2; 3]. The Êzîdî religion does not proselytise, and conversion is not possible, an Êzîdî is whoever has two Êzîdî parents (see Religion and Culture) [2; 3].
2.3 Endogamy: marriage within the estate
From the principle of birth follows endogamy: marriage takes place only within the faith community and only within one’s own estate [2; 3]. Şêx and Pîr may not marry one another either, traditionally justified by the fact that they are religious instructors for each other, and this status would be lost through marriage [2]. Within the Mirîd there are no further restrictions [1]. From the Êzîdî perspective, endogamy is a protective mechanism that grew over history: in centuries of persecution it secured cohesion and survival [2]. On today’s debate, see section 10.
2.4 Origins: tradition and the state of research
According to Êzîdî tradition, the order goes back to Şêx Adî (ʿAdī ibn Musāfir, c. 1073/75–1162), who settled in the valley of Laliş at the beginning of the 12th century (see Sanctuaries): Tawûsî Melek: the highest-ranking of the seven angels, falsely equated with evil by outsiders, an equation deeply hurtful to Êzîdî, is said to have appeared to him; thereupon Şêx Adî introduced the system of order hed û sed (“law and order”) [2].
Scholarship differentiates: the structure underwent its most profound transformation in the 12th century, in the time of Şêx Adî and his Adawiyya order [3], but it did not come into being in a single day. Parts of it, in particular the Pîr as the older priesthood, presumably existed before; the order developed over a long process [2; 9]. Theologically it is anchored in the belief that the divine Heptad periodically appears in holy persons (xas), the spiritual estates trace their descent back to such manifestations [2]. The family trees and holy figures are treated in Sacred Genealogy.
3. The Şêx: the first spiritual estate
3.1 Tasks in everyday life
Şêx are not trained theologians: their knowledge is handed down orally within the family, and their authority rests on descent and service [2]. Their tasks include the Bisk ceremony, participation in marriages, the washing of the dead and accompaniment of the funeral ceremony, ongoing religious care, and frequently the role of the siblings of the hereafter (7.2) [2; 8]. For this they receive contributions; those given to the Şêx are traditionally higher than those given to the Pîr [1].
3.2 The three lineages: Şemsanî, Adanî, Qatanî
The Şêx estate is divided into three lines of descent, which go back to their own holy forefathers and which, according to the majority view of the sources, may not intermarry, which considerably restricts the choice of partners [1; 2; 9]:
| Lineage | Forefather (tradition) | Provides the office | Particularity |
|---|---|---|---|
| Şemsanî | the four sons of Êzdîna Mîr: Şemsedîn (Şêx Şems), Fexredîn, Nasirdîn, Sicadîn | Bavê Şêx and Şêx Wezîr (guardian of the Şêşims sanctuary) | older layer, active even before Şêx Adî |
| Adanî | Şêx Hesen (d. 1254), from the kinship of Şêx Adî | Pêşîmam | traditionally the only ones permitted to read and write |
| Qatanî | Şêxûbekir, a relative of Şêx Adî | Mîr (prince) | lineage of the princely family |
This division has a remarkable function: since each lineage provides exactly one top authority, power is distributed almost equally among the Şêx groups [2].
In depth. The holy figures behind the lineages, Êzdîna Mîr and his sons, Şêx Hesen, Şêxûbekir, the connection to the seven angels and the Mîr dynasty, are treated in Sacred Genealogy; here the focus is on the function of the lineages within the system.
4. The Pîr: the older priesthood
Pîr (Kurmancî/Persian: “elder, wise one”) form the second spiritual estate. According to a widespread view, they correspond to the old priests who, even before the time of Şêx Adî, were responsible for preserving the religion [2]. In religious matters they hold essentially the same position as the Şêx; through the assignments of tasks made in the era of Şêx Adî they stand in practice slightly behind them, a difference of descent, not of rank [1; 2]. Their tasks resemble those of the Şêx: care of the hereditarily assigned Mirîd families, participation in festivals and rites of passage, receipt of contributions [1; 2].
Subdivision. Traditionally four main families are counted, Hesen Meman (Hesmeman), Pîr Afat, Pîr Jerwan (Cerwan) and Pîr Hacî Alî, with numerous subgroups; the classical count speaks of 40 Pîr clans, while Omarkhali’s field research documents around 87–90 Pîr lineages [1; 2; 3; 4]. On the marriage rules the sources differ in detail; the basic line is: marriages between Pîr lineages are in many cases possible, while individual lineages, the best-known example being the Hesmeman: form exceptions with stricter rules [1; 3].
5. The Mirîd: the great majority
Êzîdî society consists overwhelmingly of Mirîd: depending on the source, from about 80 to over 90 percent (section 2.1) [2; 3]. It would be wrong to understand them as the “lowest stratum”:
- Mirîd carry the community. They form the economic and social basis and support the clergy materially [2].
- Mirîd are religiously of full standing. The assignment to an estate carries no privileges or social valuation [2]; Mirîd take part in all festivals and rites.
- Mirîd can acquire religious dignities. The dignity of the Feqîr was traditionally open in principle to everyone, and that of the Koçek can to this day be acquired regardless of estate (section 8) [2].
- Within the Mirîd there is freedom of marriage: unlike among Şêx and Pîr [1].
In everyday life, being a Mirîd means above all: standing in a fixed, inherited relationship to “one’s own” Şêx and “one’s own” Pîr, part of the network that has held the community together for centuries.
6. Why not a “caste system” like in India?
In Western texts the Êzîdî order is often called a “caste system”, the scholarly literature mostly uses the word with qualification (“hereditary groups, often called castes”) [3]. The comparison with the Indian caste system is misleading [2; 9]:
| Feature | Indian caste system | Êzîdî order of estates |
|---|---|---|
| Ranking | pronounced hierarchy with status gradient | no social valuation; the difference lies solely in descent and religious task |
| The excluded | “untouchables” (pariahs) outside the order | there are no pariahs |
| Occupations | traditionally tied to occupations and degrees of purity | no assignment of occupations |
| Scope | regulates wide areas of social life | concerns exclusively religious matters [9] |
| Purpose | , | mutual interdependence: close cohesion of the whole community [2] |
Tagay and Ortaç put it succinctly: the system does not divide society but seeks “through a mutual interdependence of its individual members to guarantee a close cohesion of all social strata” [2]. Nor is there any gradient of worth between Şêx and Pîr [1]. This article therefore prefers the terms “estates” or “hereditary groups”; “caste” appears only where sources are quoted or misunderstandings are explained.
7. The five fundamental duties (pênc ferz)
7.1 The principle
Regardless of estate, according to the teaching of the pênc ferz (“five duties”) every Êzîdî must acknowledge five spiritual persons of reference [2; 3]:
| Duty | Meaning | Explanation |
|---|---|---|
| Şêx | one’s own Şêx | inherited assignment (section 3) |
| Pîr | one’s own Pîr | inherited assignment (section 4) |
| Hosta | “master” | interpretation inconsistent: acknowledgement of God as the master [2], or a personal figure of reference whose function is blurred today [3] |
| Merebî (Mirebbî) | “educator, teacher” | spiritual teacher, chosen from any estate according to hereditary rules; function likewise blurred today [1; 3] |
| Birayê / Xuşka Axiretê | “brother / sister of the hereafter” | chosen spiritual siblings for the hereafter (7.2) |
That Hosta and Merebî have become blurred today is itself a finding: a gradual shift of meaning within the order [3].
7.2 Birayê / Xuşka Axiretê: siblings for the hereafter
During their lifetime, usually around puberty, every Êzîdî chooses a brother or sister for the hereafter, as a rule from a Şêx family [1; 2]. These chosen siblings assume mutual moral co-responsibility for each other’s earthly deeds, “accompany” one another in the funeral ceremony and fulfil important tasks at rites of passage [1; 2]. Scholarship compares the institution with the Alevi musahiplik elective kinship [3].
8. Religious offices and dignitaries
The highest offices are genealogically tied to the three Şêx lineages (section 3.2); alongside them stand dignities that can in part be acquired regardless of estate.
8.1 Mîr: the head
The Mîr (prince) is the secular and representative head of all Êzîdî; his person is considered sanctified [1]. The office is hereditary in the Qatanî lineage; the traditional seat is Ba’edrê (Baadre) in the Şêxan region near Laliş [1; 2]. The accounts of the rule of succession diverge, the eldest son [2], or designation by the reigning Mîr during his lifetime [7] –; in 2019 the Spiritual Council named the new Mîr, evidence of how the procedure is changing [4; 10]. The Mîr presides over the Spiritual Council (Meclîsê Ruhanî), whose members include the Bavê Şêx, Şêx Wezîr, the Pêşîmam and the head of the Qewwals [1; 2].
Incumbent: Since 27 July 2019 Mîr Hazim Tahsin Beg (b. 1963) has been in office, enthroned in Laliş as the successor of his father Mîr Tahsin Said Beg, who had reigned for some 75 years [5; 11]. The installation was contested: critics, above all from Şingal, accused him of closeness to the KDP party; parts of the Şingal community recognise Naif bin Dawud instead [5; 10].
8.2 Bavê Şêx (Baba Şêx): the spiritual head
The Bavê Şêx (“Father Şêx”) is the highest authority in the interpretation of religious questions. He comes from the Şemsanî lineage, leads a pious, abstinent life and watches over the religious laws; many ceremonies in Laliş cannot take place without him [1; 2]. He is appointed by the Mîr [6].
Incumbent: On 18 November 2020 Şêx Alî Ilyas (b. 1979 in Şêxan) was sworn in at Laliş as Bavê Şêx, as the successor of the late Xurto Hecî Îsmaîl (in office 1995–2020) [6; 12]. This installation, too, was accompanied by protests; parts of the Şingal Êzîdî refused recognition [6; 10]. In early 2025 a serious illness of the incumbent was reported [13]; no reliable more recent information on the status of the office is available for this article.
Context. That both top offices have been filled amid controversy since 2019/2020 reflects the strains following the genocide of 2014, in particular the conflicts over the future of Şingal, and the growing distance between the institutions in Şêxan and parts of the diaspora [5; 6; 10].
8.3 Further offices and dignities
| Office / dignity | Origin | Function |
|---|---|---|
| Pêşîmam | Adanî Şêx, appointed by the Mîr | preservation and interpretation of the faith; leads rituals, traditionally at marriages [1; 2] |
| Baba Çawûş | appointed by the Mîr | guardian of the Şêx Adî sanctuary in Laliş; lives there piously and celibately [1; 2] |
| Feqra (leader: Kebanî) | women’s order in Laliş | celibate women; the Kebanî tends the mausoleum of Şêx Adî and forms the holy berat balls [1; 2] |
| Feqîr | open to all; in recent times de facto hereditary | ascetics, knowledgeable bearers of the tradition; recognisable by the black woollen xerqe, which is considered holy [1; 2] |
| Koçek | acquirable regardless of estate | “the little one”: ecstatic servant at cultic acts; according to tradition reports on the fate of departed souls [1; 2] |
| Micêwir | , | shrine keepers of individual sanctuaries [3] |
8.4 The Qewwal: a special group outside the threefold scheme
The Qewwal (reciters and hymn singers) form a special group outside the threefold scheme: they come from two tribes, the Kurmancî-speaking Dimlî and the Arabic-speaking Tazhî, from Başîqa and Bahzanê [1]. They play the sacred instruments def (frame drum) and şibab (flute), recite the Qewl (sacred hymns) and conduct the Tawûsgeran, the procession of the Tawûsî Melek standards (senceq). They are considered the “living memory of the community”; until recently they too lived endogamously, but marriages with Mirîd are now permitted [1; 2]. In detail: Qewl Tradition.
9. The Kirîv institution
A bridge across the boundaries of the estates, and even across the boundary of religion: is built by the Kirîv (godfather): for a boy, a godfather is chosen at circumcision, with whom the family enters into a lifelong bond with a mutual duty of support. The Kirîv must come from a different estate; between the two families a marriage ban then applies, traditionally for seven generations [1; 2].
In the traditional areas of settlement, Êzîdî often chose their Kirîv from the Muslim neighbourhood: as a protective alliance and social bridge in times of persecution; even after the genocide of 2014 such relationships endure [1; 2]. The institution shows: the Êzîdî order is designed not for sealing itself off, but for instituted connection: between the estates as well as towards the outside world.
10. Change and debate in the diaspora
With migration, above all to Germany, where the largest diaspora communities live (see Diaspora), the order of estates has been set in motion. The debate has two sides that must both be taken seriously.
10.1 The empirical findings
The EZI study among Êzîdî in Germany (383 respondents) provides the most precise figures [2]: 31.4 % named endogamy as a negative side of the Êzîdî religion, 19.5 % the estate system itself; about one in four considers the estate system in need of reform without qualification. Omarkhali states that estate endogamy “has become a great obstacle for young Êzîdî in the diaspora” [3]. A respondent from the Şêx estate puts the dilemma in a nutshell: she finds the system as such good, but the marriage ban between the Şêx lineages narrows the choice of partners so much that “these castes will as a result eventually die out” [2].
10.2 The defence of the order
Against this stands an equally serious position: official representatives affirm the estate system as a guarantor of cohesion and solidarity: only thus has the Êzîdî religion survived the centuries [2]. Among diaspora Êzîdî too, a majority sees endogamy as a proven “protective wall against external dangers”; against the background of the collective traumas, the traditionally recounted 72 Ferman (persecutions) and the genocide of 2014, any change is “perceived by many as a danger to the continued existence of the community” [2]. For a community that has repeatedly been brought to the brink of annihilation, the order is not mere tradition but a strategy of survival.
10.3 Institutions under pressure
To the internal debate is added an institutional one: the Spiritual Council residing in Şêxan can often offer diaspora Êzîdî no fitting answers to the challenges of pluralistic societies, because their lived reality is little familiar to it [2]. The contested installations of the Mîr (2019) and the Bavê Şêx (2020) have further strained trust (section 8). The order of knowledge is changing as well: the traditional Qewwal schools no longer exist, and with the writing down of the hymns the role of the estates as exclusive bearers of knowledge is changing fundamentally [1] (see Qewl Tradition). How the community resolves these tensions remains open, the debate is conducted within the community, between the preservation of a system that has survived centuries of persecution and the lived reality of a young generation.
11. Glossary of terms
| Term (Kurmancî) | Meaning |
|---|---|
| Şêx | first spiritual estate; also: the spiritual companion assigned to a family |
| Pîr | “elder, wise one”; second spiritual estate, the older priesthood |
| Mirîd | “pupil, follower”; lay estate, the great majority of the Êzîdî |
| Şemsanî, Adanî, Qatanî | the three Şêx lines of descent |
| Pênc ferz | the “five duties”: Şêx, Pîr, Hosta, Merebî, siblings of the hereafter |
| Birayê / Xuşka Axiretê | “brother / sister of the hereafter”; chosen spiritual siblings |
| Kirîv | godfather (at circumcision); institutes a lifelong bond between two families |
| Mîr | prince; head of all Êzîdî, from the Qatanî lineage |
| Bavê Şêx (Baba Şêx) | “Father Şêx”; spiritual head, from the Şemsanî lineage |
| Pêşîmam | “presiding imam”; highest scholar, from the Adanî lineage |
| Baba Çawûş | guardian of the sanctuary of Laliş |
| Feqîr | “the poor one”; ascetic in the black xerqe (woollen tunic) |
| Koçek | “the little one”; ecstatic servant with tasks at cultic acts |
| Qewwal | reciter of the sacred hymns (Qewl) |
Sources
- Allison, Christine: “YAZIDIS i. GENERAL”, Encyclopaedia Iranica (2004, upd. 2017). https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/yazidis-i-general-1
- Tagay, Şefik / Ortaç, Serhat: Die Eziden und das Ezidentum. Landeszentrale für politische Bildung Hamburg, 2016. https://www.hamburg.de/contentblob/6271994/21807c33b23c0f8e930ad75a1da7753c/data/ezidenund-ezidentum.pdf
- Omarkhali, Khanna: The Yezidi Religious Textual Tradition: From Oral to Written. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 2017. https://www.uni-goettingen.de/de/document/download/7aa23de7edf74949749e706f404d2d4e.pdf/Omarkhali_Yezidi_Religious_Textual_Tradition_2017.pdf
- Wikipedia (en): “Yazidi social organization”. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yazidi_social_organization
- Wikipedia (en): “Hazim Tahsin Beg”. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hazim_Tahsin_Beg
- Wikipedia (en): “Sheikh Ali Ilyas”. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sheikh_Ali_Ilyas
- Ezipedia: “Mîr – Das weltliche Oberhaupt” (2012). https://www.ezipedia.de/mir-das-weltliche-oberhaupt/
- Dînê Şerfedîn (community page): “Şêx – Shekh – Shêx – Scheich”. https://jesiden.wordpress.com/sex/
- RAA Brandenburg / Fachstelle Islam: “Ezidinnen und Eziden – Eine kurze Übersicht” (2019). https://raa-brandenburg.de/Portals/4/media/UserDocs/Dokumente_2019/RAA_Fachstelle-Islam_Handreichung-Eziden.pdf
- Dangeleit, Elke: “Streit unter den Eziden”, Telepolis, 15.11.2020. https://www.telepolis.de/features/Streit-unter-den-Eziden-4960336.html
- France24: “Son of Iraq’s late Yazidi prince takes over as leader” (27.7.2019). https://www.france24.com/en/20190727-son-iraqs-late-yazidi-prince-takes-over-leader
- Rudaw: “New Yazidi spiritual leader sworn in” (18.11.2020). https://www.rudaw.net/english/kurdistan/181120204
- Rudaw: “Yezidi spiritual leader in hospital after suffering stroke” (5.4.2025). https://www.rudaw.net/english/kurdistan/050420251
Related articles: Sacred Genealogy · Religion and Culture · Qewl Tradition · Sanctuaries · Diaspora and Demography
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