Religious Offices and Institutions of the Êzîdî

Êzîdî society is divided into three hereditary castes, Şêx, Pîr and Mirîd (see Social Order). Cutting across this caste division stands a second framework: the concrete religious offices and functionaries who keep the faith practically alive, from the prince Mîr through the spiritual head Bavê Şêx, the ritual leader Pêşîmam, the hymn singers Qewwal and the ascetics Feqîr to the seers Koçek and the shrine keepers Mijêwir. This article describes for each office: task, access, dress and insignia, and the situation today.

As of: 2026-06-14 · Proper names in Latin Kurmancî spelling · ezdixan.de Wiki

Contents

1. Two Frameworks: Castes and Offices
2. Mîr, Prince and Head
3. Bavê Şêx (Baba Şêx), Spiritual Head
4. Pêşîmam, Leader of the Central Rituals
5. Qewwal, Hymn Singers and Transmitters
6. Feqîr, the Ascetics in the Black Xirqe
7. Koçek, Servant, Seer and Companion of the Dead
8. Mijêwir, Baba Çawûş and the Servants
9. The Interplay of the Offices
10. Glossary of Terms
11. Sources

1. Two Frameworks: Castes and Offices

The article Social Order describes the three hereditary castes: the religious castes Şêx and Pîr as well as the laity (Mirîd). Yet belonging to a caste does not in itself confer an office. Over the caste division lies a second framework of concrete functions: the prince, the spiritual head, the ritual leaders, the singers, the ascetics, the seers and the keepers of the sanctuaries [1; 4].

The connection between the two frameworks is close but not identical. The highest offices, Mîr, Bavê Şêx, Pêşîmam: are genealogically tied to one of the three Şêx lineages each: Qatanî, Şemsanî, Adanî [1; 4]. Other dignities are in principle open to any pious person: the ascetic dignity of the Feqîr is, according to doctrine, not a matter of birth but of calling [2; 3]; the seer role of the Koçek can be acquired regardless of caste [1; 2]. The Qewwal, in turn, form a distinct, hereditary group of transmitters who must be understood as standing outside the Şêx–Pîr–Mirîd scheme [1; 8].

This framework of offices explains how a religion without scripture (see Religion and Culture) has organized its rites, its sacred knowledge and its community leadership over centuries without a clergy in the Western sense: through clearly distributed, hereditary or appointed functions that complement and check one another.

2. Mîr: Prince and Head

Task

The Mîr (prince, “emir”) is the worldly-spiritual head of all Êzîdî. He combines representative, administrative and sacral functions: he is regarded as the legitimate successor in the tradition of Şêx Adî, administers the sanctuary of Laliş, receives the annual dues and offerings, and appoints the Bavê Şêx as well as the Pêşîmam [1; 4]. The Mîr presides over the Spiritual Council (Meclîsa Ruhanî), which includes, among others, the Bavê Şêx, the Pêşîmam and the head of the Qewwal [1; 4]. His person is traditionally regarded as sanctified [1].

Access

The office is hereditary and bound to the Qatanî lineage of the Şêx, the family Çol (Chol), which traces its descent to Şêxûbekir, a relative of Şêx Adî [1; 4]. Accounts diverge on the rule of succession: partly the eldest son, partly determination by the reigning Mîr; in 2019 the Spiritual Council named the successor, an indication of a change in the procedure [4].

Dress and Seat

The traditional seat is Ba’edrê (Ba’adra) in the Şêxan district near Laliş [1; 4]. Unlike the Bavê Şêx or the Feqîr, the Mîr wears no fixed ritual garb; his dignity shows in representation and standing, not in a special robe. On regional clothing see Costume and Dress.

Situation Today

Since 2019 Mîr Hazim Tahsin Beg (b. 1963) has held office, installed as successor to his father Mîr Tahsin Said Beg, who had reigned for about 75 years [4]. The installation was contested: parts of the community, above all from Şingal, criticized political closeness to the KDP and partly recognize a rival candidate (Naif Dawud) [4]. The conflict over the princely office is a symptom of the strains following the genocide of 2014.

3. Bavê Şêx (Baba Şêx): Spiritual Head

Task

The Bavê Şêx (“Father-Şêx”, often rendered as Baba Şêx) is the highest spiritual authority in the interpretation of religious questions and the spiritual head of the community [1; 4]. He oversees the religious laws, supervises the other clergy, in particular the Koçek, and is indispensable at central ceremonies in Laliş; many rites cannot be performed without him [1; 4]. He observes the strict forty-day fasts (in summer and in winter) and visits the communities for religious instruction [4].

Access

The office is hereditary in the Şemsanî lineage of the Şêx (according to the widespread account, in the branch of the descendants of Fexredîn) and is appointed by the Mîr [1; 4]. A Bavê Şêx can leave office only through death or apostasy from the faith, removal is not provided for [4].

Residence, Dress and Insignia

The Bavê Şêx resides in Laliş, the central sanctuary (see Sanctuaries). He leads a pious, abstemious life and appears in dignified, plain garb; characteristic are white robes and the long white beard as a sign of dignity [1; 4].

Situation Today

On 18 November 2020 Şêx Alî Ilyas (b. 1979 in Şêxan) was sworn in at Laliş as Bavê Şêx, as successor to the late Xurto Hecî Îsmaîl (term 1995–2020) [4]. This installation too was accompanied by protests; parts of the Şingal Êzîdî refused recognition [4]. In early 2025 a serious illness of the office holder was reported; reliable more recent information on the status of the office is not available for this article [4].

4. Pêşîmam: Leader of the Central Rituals

Task

The Pêşîmam (“presiding imam”) is the high-ranking ritual leader of the Êzîdî. His classic core task is the performance of central rituals, above all marriages: he performs the wedding and traditionally arranges the bridal gifts, as well as the preservation and interpretation of the faith [1; 4]. Some traditions know several Pêşîmam functions (for example a “Great Pêşîmam”, a Pêşîmam of the Feqîr and one of the Bavê Şêx) [4].

Access

Unlike with the Mîr and the Bavê Şêx, the person of the Pêşîmam is not freely inherited within a single family but is appointed by the Mîr: from the Adanî lineage of the Şêx, which traces its descent to Şêx Hesen (d. 1254) [1; 4]. The Adanî lineage was traditionally the only one permitted to read and write, which explains the binding of the ritual and scholarly office to it [1] (see Social Order).

Dress and Situation Today

A distinct, generally binding office garb for the Pêşîmam is not uniformly described in the accessible literature; he appears in the dignity of a high Şêx. The office continues to exist and belongs to the Spiritual Council [1; 4]. On the wedding rites he leads, see Traditions.

5. Qewwal: Hymn Singers and Transmitters

Task

The Qewwal (sg. Qewwal, “speaker of the word”) are the professional singers and transmitters of the Qewl: the sacred hymns in which the religious knowledge of the Êzîdî is handed down (in detail: Qewl Tradition). In a religion without scripture they are the living memory of the community: they preserve and carry on the sacred texts, teach them and perform at the great ceremonies [1; 8]. Their most important ritual task is the Tawûsgeran: the procession in which the Senceq (also Sancak; bronze peacock standards representing Tawûsî Melek) are carried through the Êzîdî communities, connected with the collection of religious gifts for Laliş [1; 8]. Tawûsî Melek is the highest-ranking of the holy angels and must under no circumstances be equated with “the devil” (see Tawûsî Melek).

Access and Origin: a Point to Be Read Carefully

The Qewwal form a distinct, hereditary group with roots in the Mirîd caste and thus stand outside the Şêx–Pîr scheme; the office is inherited within certain families [1; 8].

On the tribal origin, precision is required, because various spellings and attributions circulate here:

• The authoritative scholarly account (Encyclopaedia Iranica, article “Qawl”, based on Kreyenbroek) states unambiguously: “The Qawwāls come from two clans, the Kurmanji-speaking Dimli and the Arabic-speaking Tazhi, settled in the villages of Baʿšiqa and Beḥzānē, in the Šaiḵan area.”, that is, two groups: Dimlî (Kurmancî-speaking) and Tazhî (Arabic-speaking) [8].
• The sister article “Yazidis i. General” of the same encyclopaedia names the same two groups [1].
• In some tribal lists and popular accounts the name Hekarî (also Hakarî, after the historical region of Hakkârî) additionally appears as one of the groups associated with the Qewwal [9].

It must be noted: The standard scholarly literature (Kreyenbroek; Iranica) knows the two Qewwal tribes as Dimlî and Tazhî. The spelling “Tazhî and Hekarî” combines an established name (Tazhî) with a name not attested in the scholarly literature as a main Qewwal tribe (Hekarî). Where a source names “Hekarî” for the Qewwal, this should be marked as a divergent or popular attribution, the attested, here authoritative statement is Dimlî/Tazhî [1; 8]. (The portal-internal article Social Order accordingly gives “Dimlî and Tazhî”; any “Tazhî/Hekarî” statement elsewhere contradicts the standard literature and is to be corrected.)

The seat of the Qewwal families is the two twin villages of Başîqa and Bahzanê (Beḥzānē) east of Mosul in the Şêxan area [1; 8].

Instruments and Insignia

The Qewwal play two instruments regarded as sacred [1; 8]:

In addition, popular accounts also mention the long-necked lute Sazz (saz/tembûr); the core pair highlighted in the scholarly literature as ritually sacred remains, however, Def and Şibab [1; 8]. The Senceq standards are not instruments but the sacred cult objects that the Qewwal carry in the Tawûsgeran. More on the music: Music.

Situation Today

The situation of the Qewwal is precarious. Already before 2014 their number had shrunk to a handful, and the traditional Qewwal schools no longer existed [1; 8]. The genocide of the “Islamic State” in 2014 devastated their tribal homeland of Başîqa/Bahzanê and accelerated the rupture of the oral transmission chain [8]. With the increasing textualization of the hymns, moreover, the role of the Qewwal as exclusive bearers of knowledge changes fundamentally [1; 8]. The Qewwal long lived endogamously; by now marriages with Mirîd are widespread [1].

6. Feqîr: the Ascetics in the Black Xirqe

Task

The Feqîr (sg. Feqîr, literally “the poor one”) are the ascetics of Êzîdism, dignitaries who order their lives strictly according to the religious commandments and “follow the rites, taboos and religious acts of the faith with the greatest strictness” [2; 3]. They imitate the holiness of Şêx Adî, observe the forty-day fasts, serve in Laliş, take part in ceremonies (for example at the Tewaf and the community festival Cêjna Cemaiyê) and mediate in conflicts of the community [2; 3]. They are regarded as the “ascetic and mystical heart” of the faith and enjoy high esteem, before a Feqîr clad in the Xirqe everyone rises, by tradition, including the Mîr [2].

Access

The Feqîr dignity is, according to doctrine, not a matter of birth but of calling: it is in principle open to any pious Êzîdî who receives the “calling”, including Mirîd [2; 3]. In practice, however, the dignity was often passed on within certain families over generations, so that it has factually become partly hereditary [2; 3]. Some sources accordingly distinguish between Feqîr from religious families and those from the Mirîd caste [4].

Dress and Insignia

The defining mark is the Xirqe (also kherqe, xerqe), a tunic of dark, black wool that is regarded as the “most worthy of all religious garments” and is connected in tradition with the primordial garment of the first humans (Adam and Eve) [2; 3]. The Xirqe itself is sacred; it is ritually consecrated at the “White Spring” (Kaniya Sipî) in Laliş [2]. Added to this, depending on the source, are a red belt, copper rings and a black cap (kulik) that symbolizes the crown of Şêx Adî [2]. On the symbolism of the dress see Costume and Dress.

Situation Today

The Feqîr count to this day among the most esteemed religious figures of the Êzîdî and, as bearers of the Xirqe, remain present in Laliş and the communities [2; 3]. With the diaspora the question arises for them, as for all dignitaries, how ascetic discipline and ritual service can be continued under the conditions of exile (see Diaspora).

7. Koçek: Servant, Seer and Companion of the Dead

Task

The Koçek (“the little one”, also Kochek) combines two roles: that of the serving helper and that of the seer. As a servant he performs practical tasks (for example fetching wood and water), observes the fasts and can take on the tasks of an absent Şêx or Pîr [2; 4]. His real significance, however, lies in the gift of sight: Koçek are regarded as people with visions, dreams and trance states through which they behold the past and the future [2; 6]. The Êzîdî tradition speaks of “falling into the book” (defterê keftin/xwendin), an altered state of consciousness in which the seer is spoken through [6].

The Koçek is especially important at the funeral and afterlife rites: after the burial a seer is asked by the family to ascertain the fate of the deceased soul: whether it will be reborn as an Êzîdî (the Êzîdî hold notions of the transmigration of souls); if the soul is seen to be on a good path, the family celebrates [2; 6]. Thus the Koçek has a central function in dealing with death and mourning (see also Religion and Culture).

Access

The Koçek role can be acquired regardless of caste: it is not bound to a particular line of birth but to the ascribed gift; the Koçek are under the supervision of the Bavê Şêx [1; 2; 4]. In Şingal, seers with special abilities are sometimes called cinndar (“possessor of spirits/jinn”) [6].

Dress and Situation Today

A fixed office garb is not described for the Koçek in the same way as for the Feqîr; his authority is grounded in the gift of sight, not in insignia. The seer tradition continues but has come under pressure through expulsion, genocide and diaspora, many bearers of the knowledge have died or been scattered [6].

8. Mijêwir, Baba Çawûş and the Servants

Mijêwir: Shrine Keeper

The Mijêwir (also Micêwir) is the keeper of a single sanctuary or shrine [1; 4]. Besides Laliş, Êzîdî venerate numerous local sanctuaries (mezar) for individual saints (see Sanctuaries); the Mijêwir tends this site and the associated cemetery, preserves the local religious knowledge, leads burials, organizes the festivals and the annual village Tewaf, and gives lodging to the travelling Qewwal [4]. He thus fulfils the religious affairs of a place, while the worldly village headman (muxtar) handles the state-administrative matters [4]. Mijêwir come as a rule from the Şêx or Pîr caste, occasionally from the Feqîr [4].

Baba Çawûş: Guardian of Laliş

The Baba Çawûş is the chief guardian of the Şêx Adî sanctuary in Laliş, appointed by the Mîr; he lives there piously and celibately and oversees the care of the central sanctuary [1; 4].

Ferraş and Servants

At the sanctuary of Laliş a number of further servants are active (in some accounts called Ferraş/“servantry”) who perform subordinate temple and cleaning services, such as the care of the sacred rooms and lamps. These servant functions are less sharply delimited in the accessible literature than the main offices; they are subordinate to the supervision of the Baba Çawûş and the Bavê Şêx [1; 4]. A special role is also played by the women’s order of the Feqra under the leadership of the Kebanî, which tends the mausoleum of Şêx Adî and forms the sacred berat balls [1; 4].

9. The Interplay of the Offices

The offices interlock into a system of mutual complementation and control: no single office stands for itself:

• Balance of power at the top. The three highest offices are distributed among the three Şêx lineages: the Mîr (Qatanî/family Çol, seat Ba’edrê) as worldly-spiritual head, the Bavê Şêx (Şemsanî, seat Laliş) as spiritual authority, the Pêşîmam (Adanî) as ritual leader. Because each lineage provides exactly one top instance, power is roughly balanced among the religious groups [1; 4].
• Chain of appointment. The Mîr appoints the Bavê Şêx and the Pêşîmam and presides over the Spiritual Council: so the top offices are bound back to one another [1; 4].
• Knowledge and rite. The Qewwal carry the sacred word (the Qewl) and perform the Tawûsgeran with the Senceq; the Feqîr embody ascetic strictness; the Koçek mediate between the living and the otherworld. Together they secure transmission, discipline and consolation (see Qewl Tradition).
• On the ground. Mijêwir, Baba Çawûş and the servants keep the sacred sites and the local cult alive, from Laliş to the smallest village sanctuary.

Crossing this, the hereditary Şêx–Pîr–Mirîd network and the personal bonds (one’s own Şêx, one’s own Pîr, the otherworld sibling, the Kirîv) operate, which are described in the Social Order. Together both frameworks explain how a small, often persecuted and today worldwide scattered community has been able to preserve its faith without holy scripture and without a central clergy over centuries, and what strains genocide and diaspora place on this finely balanced system today.

Women appear in this framework of offices above all through the order of the Feqra/Kebanî; on the role and the debates about the position of women see Women in Êzîdism.

10. Glossary of Terms

Sources

1. Allison, Christine: “YAZIDIS i. GENERAL”, Encyclopaedia Iranica (2004, akt. 2017). https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/yazidis-i-general-1/
2. „The Feqir: The Ascetics of the Yazidi Faith", Kurdish History. https://www.kurdish-history.com/post/yazidi-feqir
3. „Society", Yazidi Cultural Heritage. https://www.yazidiculturalheritage.com/society/
4. Wikipedia (en): „Yazidi social organization". https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yazidi_social_organization
5. Kreyenbroek, Philip G.: Yezidism, Its Background, Observances and Textual Tradition. Edwin Mellen Press, Lewiston 1995. (grundlegende Monographie zu den Qewl und der religiösen Tradition)
6. Spät, Eszter: „The Book Revealing the Future in a Religion without Books: the Apocalyptic Visions of Yezidi Seers", International Journal of Divination and Prognostication 2/1 (2020). https://brill.com/view/journals/ijdp/2/1/article-p1_1.xml
7. Omarkhali, Khanna: The Yezidi Religious Textual Tradition: From Oral to Written. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 2017.
8. „QAWL", Encyclopaedia Iranica (Kreyenbroek). https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/qawl/
9. „List of Yezidi tribes", Yezidica. https://yezidica.miraheze.org/wiki/List_of_Yezidi_tribes
10. Açıkyıldız, Birgül: The Yezidis: The History of a Community, Culture and Religion. I.B. Tauris, London 2010., vgl. dies., „Sacred Spaces in the Yezidi Religion". https://www.academia.edu/27748126/Sacred_Spaces_in_the_Yezidi_Religion

Related articles: Social Order · Sacred Genealogy · Religion and Culture · Qewl Tradition · Music · Sanctuaries · Women in Êzîdism