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As of: 2026-05-22 Purpose: Scientifically complete documentation of the Êzdîkî language (phonology, morphology, syntax, dialects, writing systems, state of research) for ezdixan.de. Methodology: Synthesis of Kreyenbroek, Asatrian/Arakelova, Chyet, Thackston, Omarkhali, Bakaev, Kurdoev, MacKenzie, as well as the more recent dialectology (Öpengin/Haig, Matras, Paul, Korn); cross-checked against speaker corpora from Sinjar, Sheikhan, Aparan, Tbilisi, Krasnodar, diaspora (Hannover, Göteborg). For classification and Êzdîkî-debate evidence, see the source block (Ch. 8 + Appendix B).

1. LANGUAGE CLASSIFICATION

1.1 Genetic Classification

Êzdîkî (also Êzîdîkî, Êzdikî, Yezidi Kurmancî) belongs to:

Indo-European
└── Indo-Iranian
 └── Iranian
 └── West Iranian
 └── Northwest Iranian
 └── Kurdish (macrolanguage)
 └── Northern Kurdish (Kurmancî)
 └── Êzdîkî (religiolect/sociolect variety)

Sister languages within Northwest Iranian:

  • Balochi (Belutschi)
  • Gilaki, Mazandarani (Caspian languages)
  • Talysh (Talyshi)
  • Zazaki / Dimilki (Zaza-Gorani)
  • Gorani / Hewramî (Zaza-Gorani)
  • Semnani dialects

Within Kurdish there are three main branches:

  • Kurmancî (Northern K., kmr), ~20 million speakers, Turkey/Syria/N-Iraq/Armenia/diaspora
  • Sorani (Central K., ckb), ~7 million, N-Iraq/Iran (Erbil, Sulaymaniyah, Sanandaj)
  • Southern Kurdish / Kelhuri / Feyli (sdh), ~3 million, Iran (Kermanshah, Ilam)

Zazaki + Gorani are usually not classified as Kurdish in modern Iranian studies, but rather as a separate Zaza-Gorani group (Paul 1998, MacKenzie 1995, Korn 2003).

Source situation regarding classification (attributed):

  • D. N. MacKenzie (Kurdish Dialect Studies, 1961–62; “Kurds, Kurdistân v. Language”, Encyclopaedia of Islam; “Kurdish (linguistic survey)”, Encyclopaedia Iranica 1995) defined Kurdish via a small number of shared sound isoglosses (among others the treatment of Old Iranian *-šm- and *-rd-/-rz-) and noted that Kurdish stands relatively close to Persian by some of these isoglosses. With this he relativized the “traditional” view that Kurdish was simply “Northwest Iranian” because of its differences from Persian, the NW classification rests partly on negative criteria (Iranica, “Kurdish Language i. History”).
  • Garnik Asatrian (“Prolegomena to the Study of the Kurds”, Iran & the Caucasus 13/1, 2009) emphasizes the heterogeneity of the varieties subsumed under “Kurdish” and treats Zazakî/Goranî as non-Kurdish Iranian languages.
  • Geoffrey Haig & Ergin Öpengin (Kurdish dialectology; “Kurmanji Kurdish in Turkey”, 2014; as well as Öpengin & Haig 2014, “Regional variation in Kurmanji: A preliminary classification of dialects”, Kurdish Studies 2/2) group the Kurdish complex into five units, Northern Kurdish (Kurmancî), Central Kurdish (Soranî), Southern Kurdish, Zazakî, Goranî, and deliberately avoid the collective label “Zaza-Goranî”.
  • Ludwig Paul (“The position of Zazaki among West Iranian languages”, 1998) and Agnes Korn (2003) place Zazakî/Goranî historically closer to the Caspian languages (Gilakî, Mazandaranî), not to Kurdish.

Hypothesis: MacKenzie’s proposal that some of the Soranî features go back to a substrate admixture is contested; more recent works (Jügel 2014; Matras 2017) explain the Kurmancî/Soranî split rather through separate settlement histories (see 1.4.1).

1.2 Êzdîkî = Kurmancî variety?

Linguistic consensus (Asatrian 2009, Chyet 2003, Omarkhali 2011, Kreyenbroek/Omarkhali 2016):

Êzdîkî is structurally a northwestern dialect cluster of Kurmancî. Phonology, morphology, and syntax are >95% congruent with Standard Kurmancî (Hawar-Bedirxan). The differences lie in the:

  1. Sacred vocabulary (independent, non-Kurmancî): siltan, êzdan, ferman, qenc, mizgîn, xilas, ʼerd, qubilet and many more.
  2. Phonetic conservatisms: more frequent preservation of /ḥ/, /ʕ/, /ġ/, /q/ than in Turkey-Kurmancî
  3. Sub-dialectal loanwords: Sinjar Arabic-heavy, Aparan Russian+Armenian-heavy, Tbilisi Georgian-heavy
  4. Language state of the diaspora: more conservative than urban Diyarbakır-Kurmancî, because isolated diaspora bubbles have absorbed less Turkish vocabulary.

The Êzîdî self-designation as a separate language is religiously-politically motivated (identity question after the IS genocide of 2014), not linguistic. Academically it is a variety within the Kurmancî continuum, with the special feature of an exclusive sacred lexicon (comparable to Yiddish Hebraisms or Ladino Hispanisms, but Êzdîkî is not regarded as a separated language like Yiddish).

Political dispute: Êzîdî activists in Armenia, Germany (Hannover), and the USA have argued since 2014 for an ISO-639 separate code. The ISO application has so far not gone through. SIL-Ethnologue does not list Êzîdî/Yezidi as a separate language, but as a religious-ethnic speaker group within kmr.

The “Êzdîkî” debate: neutral, attributed

Whether “Êzdîkî” is a separate language, a religiolect (confessionally marked sociolect), or simply a name for the Kurmancî spoken by Êzîdîs is academically and identity-politically contested. The most important positions:

  1. “Êzdîkî = Kurmancî” (the scholarly majority consensus). Philip G. Kreyenbroek (Iranian studies, Univ. Göttingen), a leading Yezidi researcher, puts it pointedly: the Êzîdîs are Kurds, and “their common language, including that of their sacred texts, is Kurmanji Kurdish” (quoted from reporting on the identity debate in Armenia). The Encyclopaedia Iranica (“Yazidis i. General”, Kreyenbroek) likewise holds that almost all Êzîdîs speak Kurmancî, the only exception being the villages of Beşîqa/Bahzanî (Arabophone, see 6.3.3). In this framework, “Êzdîkî” is not a separate language system, but a confessionally defined variety with an exclusive sacred lexicon (cf. 5.6).

  2. “Êzdîkî = an independent language” (especially Armenia, identity-political). In Soviet/post-Soviet Armenia the self- and external designation Êzdîkî/Ezdiki became established. At the instigation of parts of the Armenian Êzîdî community (among others around Hasan Tamoyan), Armenia listed Êzdîkî and Kurdish as separate languages, for instance in the ratification of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (2002, after criticism from the divided community, naming both designations) and in higher education teaching in Yerevan, where Kurdish and Êzdîkî are run as two subjects. This separation is primarily ethno-political (demarcation from a “Kurdish” assignment) in motivation.

  3. Criticism of thesis (2) / assessment by linguists. Linguistically the view holds: Êzdîkî does not differ structurally from Kurmancî. Isolated claims that Êzdîkî is a separate or even Semitic language are rejected in the specialist literature as not evidence-based and without scholarly consensus. Garnik Asatrian and Victoria Arakelova (Yerevan school, Iran & the Caucasus) do separate Êzîdîs and (Muslim) Kurds sharply on an ethnic/religious level, but linguistically treat the idiom spoken by Êzîdîs as a Kurmancî variety (cf. Arakelova on the designation Ezdiki for Kurmancî).

Positioning of this wiki: We use “Êzdîkî” as the self-designation for the Êzîdî-shaped Kurmancî variety (religiolect with sacred lexicon), without thereby deciding on the ethnopolitical status. The structural description (Ch. 2–4) follows Kurmancî; the distinctive lies in the lexicon (5.6), phonetic conservatism (2.2), and the sacred register (8.5). On the ethnogenetic debate, see Identität & Ethnogenese.

1.3 ISO-639 Codes (as of 2026)

Code Standard Meaning Êzdîkî-relevant?
kmr ISO 639-3 Northern Kurdish / Kurmancî YES: main code for Êzdîkî
ckb ISO 639-3 Central Kurdish / Sorani only for Sinjar-Êzîdî as second language
sdh ISO 639-3 Southern Kurdish no
kur ISO 639-3 Kurdish (macrolanguage, aggregate) umbrella code
ku ISO 639-1 Kurdish (alpha-2) old, generic
zza ISO 639-3 Zazaki no
hac ISO 639-3 Gurani / Hewramî no (≠ Yarsani, though religiously)
yzd informal unofficially demanded by Êzîdî NGOs not registered in ISO

Practical consequence for web localization (ezdixan.de):

  • lang="kmr" is the correct HTML attribute value
  • BCP47 allows kmr-x-yzdiki as a private subtag for the Êzdîkî variety
  • For Cindî-Cyrillic spelling: kmr-Cyrl; for Hawar-Latin: kmr-Latn; for Sorani-Arabic: kmr-Arab

1.4 Comparison Kurmancî / Êzdîkî / Sorani / Zazaki

Feature Kurmancî (Standard) Êzdîkî Sorani Zazaki
Gender m/f m/f no gender m/f
Case direct/oblique direct/oblique only possessive suffix direct/oblique
Ergative (pret.) yes, transitive yes, transitive weakened (suffix) yes
Definite article suffix -(ek) suffix -(ek) -eke (def.) / -êk indef -(ê)
Word order SOV SOV SOV SOV
Izafe vowel m.sg -ê / -î -ê / -î -î / -y -ê / -ê
Izafe vowel f.sg -a -a -î -a
Script today Hawar-Latin Hawar-Latin + Cyrillic Soraní-Arabic Hawar-Latin
1.Sg personal pron. ez ez min ez
‘water’ av av / aw aw aw / awe
‘to see’ inf. dîtin dîtin dîtin / bînîn dîyene / vînitene
‘to say’ inf. gotin gotin / xeber dan gutin / wutin vatene
‘God’ Xwedê Êzdan / Xwedê Xwa / Xudê Homa / Heq
Mutual intelligibility with Kurmancî , ~95-98% ~30-40% ~10-15% (own language system)

1.4.1 Dialect continuum: Kurmancî–Soranî–Zazakî (attributed)

The popular notion of the “Kurdish dialect continuum” must be differentiated, research draws a graded picture:

  • Within Kurmancî there is a typical dialect continuum: the sub-varieties merge into one another without sharp boundaries (Öpengin & Haig 2014; Matras 2017). Êzdîkî varieties from Sinjar via Sheikhan to the Caucasian bubbles are part of this continuum.
  • Between Kurmancî and Soranî, by contrast, Matras (2017, Manchester database) and Jügel (2014) identify a bundle of isoglosses that run along the Great Zab (“Great Divide”). Soranî innovations that Kurmancî/Êzdîkî lack: definite article -eke/-ekan, loss of the pronoun ez “I”, reduction of gender/case marking, uniform Izafe marker -î, post-vocalic *v > w (av → aw “water”, nav → naw “name”). This bundling argues against the idea that Kurmancî and Soranî are merely two ends of an uninterrupted pan-Kurdish continuum; Haig/Öpengin interpret it as an indication of separate settlement histories of the two groups.
  • Zazakî stands outside: mutual intelligibility with Kurmancî is minimal (its own language system, see table 1.4); in modern Iranian studies (Paul, Korn) it is regarded as non-Kurdish.

Consequence for Êzdîkî: Êzdîkî belongs unequivocally on the Kurmancî side of the Great Zab; the Sinjar variety borders geographically on Bahdinî (Duhok), which shares individual Soranî convergence features (e.g. the aspect marker -eve). Complete conjugation/declension tables: Grammatik.

1.5 Bedirxan-Hawar Alphabet (1932)

Celadet Alî Bedirxan (1893-1951) published the magazine Hawar (“Call”) in Damascus from May 1932. Together with his brother Kamuran and Roger Lescot, they developed the Latin-based Hawar alphabet for Kurmancî, based on the Turkish Latin alphabet (Atatürk reform 1928) and French diacritics.

31 letters:

A B C Ç D E Ê F G H I Î J K L M N O P Q R S Ş T U Û V W X Y Z
a b c ç d e ê f g h i î j k l m n o p q r s ş t u û v w x y z

Current usage: De-facto standard in Turkish-Syrian-German-European Kurmancî. The Êzîdî diaspora in Hannover, Bielefeld, Celle, Göteborg, Lincoln/Nebraska uses Hawar. Êzîdîs in Armenia/Georgia used Cindî-Cyrillic until the 1990s, since then increasingly Hawar (generational shift).

2. PHONOLOGY

2.1 Vowel system (Hawar standard)

8 vowel phonemes:

Hawar IPA Description Length Example
a /ɑ/ ~ /aː/ open, back, unrounded, long long bav (father)
e /ɛ/ ~ /æ/ half-open, front, unrounded, short short kes (person)
ê /eː/ half-close, front, long long mêr (man)
i /ɨ/ ~ /ɪ/ central, unrounded, ultra-short ultra-short dil (heart)
î /iː/ close, front, long long şîr (milk)
o /oː/ half-close, back, rounded long dor (turn/row)
u /ʊ/ ~ /u/ close, back, rounded, short short gund (village)
û /uː/ close, back, rounded, long long rû (face)

Special cases (especially Êzdîkî):

  • /ə/ (schwa), in unstressed syllables an allophone of /ɨ/ (i)
  • /æː/: in Sinjar-Êzdîkî occasionally for stressed /a/ (Arabic influence)
  • Diphthongs: tend to be resolved (av “water” instead of aw), but Sinjar/Aparan conservatism: aw, ew, ow

Vowel harmony: NONE (in contrast to Turkish). But vowel reduction in unstressed syllables (a → ə → ø syncope), especially in fast speech.

Êzdîkî conservatism: retains in Sinjar/Aparan the older vowels /ʕa/, /ʕɛ/ with a pharyngealized onset (see consonants).

2.2 Consonant system

2.2.1 Standard 23 consonants (Hawar)

Hawar IPA Place of articulation Manner of articulation Example
b /b/ bilabial plosive, voiced ba (wind)
p /p/ bilabial plosive, voiceless par (share)
t /t/ alveolar plosive, voiceless te (you obl.)
d /d/ alveolar plosive, voiced dest (hand)
k /k/ velar plosive, voiceless kar (work)
g /ɡ/ velar plosive, voiced gund (village)
q /q/ uvular plosive, voiceless qenc (good)
f /f/ labiodental fricative, vl. feqîr (poor)
v /v/ labiodental fricative, vd. av (water)
s /s/ alveolar fricative, vl. ser (head)
z /z/ alveolar fricative, vd. zer (yellow)
ş /ʃ/ postalveolar fricative, vl. şev (night)
j /ʒ/ postalveolar fricative, vd. jin (woman)
ç /tʃ/ postalveolar affricate, vl. çav (eye)
c /dʒ/ postalveolar affricate, vd. car (time)
x /x/ ~ /χ/ velar/uvular fricative, vl. xwe (self)
h /h/ glottal fricative heval (friend)
m /m/ bilabial nasal mal (house)
n /n/ alveolar nasal nan (bread)
l /l/ alveolar lateral lê (on, at)
r /r/ alveolar tap rê (way)
w /w/ labiovelar approximant welat (homeland)
y /j/ palatal approximant yek (one)

2.2.2 Êzdîkî special consonants (NOT in the Hawar standard, BUT active in Êzdîkî usage)

Four “ejective” / aspiration-distinct plosives (not differentiated in Bedirxan-Hawar, but phonemic and distinctive in Êzdîkî/Sinjar/Aparan):

Êzdîkî IPA Description Example (minimal pair)
p’ /pʼ/ or /p/ (unaspirated) ejective plosive p’iya (on foot) vs piya (he saw)
t’ /tʼ/ or /t/ (unaspirated) ejective plosive t’evda (all) vs teva (he went)
k’ /kʼ/ or /k/ (unaspirated) ejective plosive k’er (donkey) vs ker (piece)
ç’ /tʃʼ/ or /tʃ/ unaspir. ejective affricate ç’ar (four) vs çar (remedy)

Realization: In Sinjar/Aparan/Krasnodar these consonants are realized as ejective (glottally closed, pressed out). In Sheikhan/Bahzani-Êzdîkî and the Hannover diaspora often only as unaspirated counterparts to aspirated p/t/k.

Source: Bakaev (1957), Kurdoev (1960), Chyet (2003), Thackston (2006) all list ejective p’/t’/k’/ç’ as Êzdîkî/Kurmancî phonemes; Hawar-Latin, however, does not notate them.

Three pharyngeal/uvular/glottal special consonants (Arabic-Aramaic substrates):

Êzdîkî IPA Description Example
ʼ / ʕ /ʕ/ pharyngeal approximant, voiced ʼerd (earth), ʼeyb (shame)
ḥ /ħ/ pharyngeal fricative, voiceless ḥeval (friend-conservative)
ġ /ɣ/ ~ /ʁ/ velar/uvular fricative, voiced ġafil (indifferent)

Preservation in Êzdîkî vs Turkey-Kurmancî: Êzdîkî preserves /ʕ/, /ħ/, /ʁ/ considerably longer than urban Turkey-Kurmancî, where these sounds have merged into /a/, /h/, /x/. Sinjar-Êzdîkî has preserved most of these phonemes (Arabic contact active).

Overall: ~30 distinct consonant phonemes in fully conservative Êzdîkî (23 Hawar + 4 ejective + 3 pharyngeal/laryngeal).

2.3 Complete IPA table of Êzdîkî phonemes

Consonants

Bilab. Labdent. Alveolar Postalv. Palatal Velar Uvular Pharyng. Glottal
Plosive vl. p pʼ t tʼ k kʼ q ʔ
Plosive vd. b d ɡ
Affric. vl. tʃ tʃʼ
Affric. vd. dʒ
Fricative vl. f s ʃ x χ ħ h
Fricative vd. v z ʒ ɣ ʁ ʕ
Nasal m n
Tap/Trill ɾ/r
Lateral l ɫ
Approximant w j

Vowels

 front central back
high i (î) u û
 ɪ ʊ
mid e (ê) o
 ɛ (e) 
 æ (Sinjar)
low ɑ (a)
 ə (i schwa)

2.4 Correspondence table Cindî-Cyrillic ↔ Hawar-Latin

Heciyê Cindî (1908-1990) developed in 1946 in Yerevan a 40-letter Cyrillic alphabet for Êzdîkî/Kurmancî in Soviet Armenia. It replaced the Armenian alphabet (1921-28) and the Latin Janalif (1928-1946). Until 1991 it was the official script of the Êzîdî in the USSR.

Cindî-Cyrillic Hawar-Latin IPA Note
А а a /ɑ/
Б б b /b/
В в v /v/
Г г g /ɡ/
Г’ г’ ġ /ɣ ~ ʁ/ Arabic-pharyngeal
Д д d /d/
Е е e /ɛ/
Ə ə (none) /æ/ Sinjar vowel, tendency
Ж ж j /ʒ/
З з z /z/
И и î /iː/
Й й y /j/ consonant only
К к k /k/ aspir.
К’ к’ k’ /kʼ/ ejective
Л л l /l/
М м m /m/
Н н n /n/
О о o /oː/
Ö ö (none) /ø/ only in Russian loanwords
П п p /p/ asp.
П’ п’ p’ /pʼ/ ejective
Р р r /ɾ/
Р’ р’ rr / r̄ /r/ rolled, intensive
С с s /s/
Т т t /t/ asp.
Т’ т’ t’ /tʼ/ ejective
Ф ф f /f/
Х х x /x/
H h / Һ һ h /h/ Armenian h-style character
H’ h’ / Һ’ һ’ ḥ /ħ/ pharyngeal, Arabic
Ч ч ç /tʃ/ asp.
Ч’ ч’ ç’ /tʃʼ/ ejective
Ш ш ş /ʃ/
Щ щ (none) /ɕː/ only in Russian loanwords
Ь ь i /ɨ/ soft sign → ultra-short i
Ə’ ə’ ʼ /ʕ/ pharyngeal, “ayn”
Е̌ е̌ ê /eː/ also rendered as Ē or Йе
У у u /ʊ/
Ӯ ӯ û /uː/
W w (Lat.) w /w/ Cindî used Latin W in late Cyrillic
Q q (Lat.) q /q/ ditto
Ы ы (none) /ɯ/ Russian loanwords
Ю ю / Я я yu / ya /ju/ /jɑ/ Russian loanwords

Note: Cindî at times used Latin letters for q and w, since Cyrillic has no equivalent. Later reforms (Aşîqo 1979) introduced Cyrillic substitutes (Қ к, Ў ў).

2.5 Regional variants of phonology

Phenomenon Sinjar (Şingal) Sheikhan (Şêxan) Bahzani Aparan/Yerevan Tbilisi
Ejective p’/t’/k’/ç’ strong medium weak strong medium
Pharyngeal /ʕ/ /ħ/ very strong strong strong medium weak
Uvular /q/ preserved yes yes yes yes yes
/v/ vs /w/ both separate both separate v→w both both
/av/ → /aw/ (water) aw av aw av av
Diphthong preservation /ay/ /aw/ ay/aw ê/ô ay/aw ê/ô ê/ô
Vowel reduction unstressed moderate strong moderate weak medium
/h/ → /ø/ (loss) no no no partial partial
Loan phonemes from L2 /ðˤ/ /sˤ/ (ar.) /sˤ/ (ar.) very much ar. /ɫ/ (russ.) /q’/ (geor.)

3. MORPHOLOGY

3.1 Gender

Êzdîkî distinguishes two genders: masculine (m) and feminine (f). Gender assignment is:

  • Semantic for animates: mêr (man, m), jin (woman, f), bira (brother, m), xwişk (sister, f)
  • Lexical (arbitrary) for inanimates: roj (day, f), şev (night, f), av (water, f/m depending on dialect), aş (mill, m)
  • Gender marking: not on the noun itself (except for the suffixed definite article), but on the Izafe, demonstrative, possessive, oblique form.

Examples of Izafe marking:

  • mala min: my house (mal = f, Izafe -a)
  • mêrê min: my husband (mêr = m, Izafe -ê)
  • kitêba min: my book (kitêb = f)
  • kîtêbê min: of my book (oblique, kitêb f, oblique form)

3.2 Case system

Two-case system: direct (casus rectus) vs oblique (casus obliquus).

3.2.1 Direct case

Subject in present and future, subject in the preterite of intransitive verbs, object in the preterite of transitive verbs, predicative noun.

3.2.2 Oblique case

Direct object in the present, indirect object, genitive (via Izafe), possessive relation, subject of transitive verbs in the preterite (= ergative trace!), complement after a preposition.

3.2.3 Declension table: noun

Form masc. sg. fem. sg. pl. (m & f)
direct ∅ ∅ ∅ / -(n)
oblique -î / -∅ -ê -an / -a
Izafe direct -ê / -(y)î -a -ên / -êt
Izafe oblique -ê -a -ên / -êt
vocative -o / -(y)ê -ê -no / -ino

Examples (mêr “man”, jin “woman”, kur “son”):

Form mêr (m) jin (f) kur (m) xwişk (f) kur-Pl jin-Pl
direct sg. mêr jin kur xwişk , ,
oblique sg. mêrî jinê kurî xwişkê , ,
direct pl. , , , , kur jin
oblique pl. , , , , kuran jinan
Izafe sg. mêrê … jina … kurê … xwişka … , ,
Izafe pl. , , , , kurên … jinên …
vocative sg. mêro! jinê! kuro! xwişkê! , ,
vocative pl. , , , , kurno! jinino!

3.2.4 Ergative traces (split ergativity)

Kurmancî/Êzdîkî has tense-split ergativity (split ergativity):

  • Present / future / subjunctive: nominative-accusative pattern (S=subj. direct, O=obj. oblique)
  • Ez te dibînim: I (ez, dir.) see you (te, obl.)
  • Preterite (transitive verbs): ergative-absolutive pattern (agent oblique, patient direct, verb agrees with the patient!)
  • Min tu dîtî: I-obl (min) you-dir (tu) saw-2sg (dîtî) = “I saw you”, the verb agrees with ‘tu’ (you)!
  • Min kitêb dîtin: “I saw books”, verb 3.pl. because ‘kitêb’ (book, pl. implied)
  • Preterite (intransitive verbs): nominative pattern
  • Ez çûm: I (dir.) went-1sg

3.3 Plural formation

Plural suffix Use Example
-∅ direct plural, often contextual mêr → mêr (men)
-an oblique plural mêr → mêran (to the men)
-a short form of Izafe oblique plural mala jina (house of the women)
-ên / -êt Izafe plural (-êt regional/conservative Sinjar) kurên min (my sons)
-in / -ne indefinite plural (rare, dialectal) mêrin (some men)
-ino / -no vocative plural bira-no! (brothers!)

3.4 Izafe construction

Izafe (also ezafe; from Arabic-Persian اضافة “addition”) is a vocalic linkage between a noun and a modifier (adjective, genitive, relative clause).

Construction Form Example Translation
Noun + adjective NOUN-IZAFE + ADJ mêrê baş, jina baş good man, good woman
Noun + genitive noun NOUN-IZAFE + GEN kitêba kurê min book of my son
Noun + possessive NOUN-IZAFE + PRO mala me our house
Noun + relative clause NOUN-IZAFE + REL mêrê ku hat the man who came

Table of Izafe vowels:

Gender / number direct oblique
masc. sg. -ê (sometimes -î) -ê
fem. sg. -a -a
pl. (m+f) -ên / -êt -ên
indef./predicative -ekê (m), -eke (f) -ekî, -ekê

Classic Êzdîkî example:

  • Mîrê Êzîdîya = “Mîr/prince of the Êzîdîs”: Mîr (m.sg) + Izafe -ê + Êzîdîya (pl. obl. with -a short form)
  • Heca Stûrê Êzîdiya (Sinjar spelling) = “Êzîdî collective pilgrimage”, shrine-related
  • Mehweştî Êzîdîyatî = “Êzdîkî identity, Êzîdî-hood”

3.5 Definite article / indefinite article

Article type masc. sg fem. sg pl. Example
indef. (a/an) -ek -ek -in mêrek (a man), jinek (a woman), mêrin (some men)
def. (the) ∅ (context) ∅ (context) ∅ mêr (the man, contextual)
dem. near ev ev ev (…-an) ev mêr (this man)
dem. far ew ew ew (…-an) ew jin (that woman)

Note: Êzdîkî has no separate definite article like German/English. Definiteness is marked by context, demonstratives, or oblique forms.

3.6 Pronoun system

3.6.1 Personal pronouns

Person direct oblique possessive (Izafe + obl.)
1. sg ez min -a/-ê min
2. sg tu te -a/-ê te
3. sg m ew wî -a/-ê wî
3. sg f ew wê -a/-ê wê
1. pl em me -a/-ê me
2. pl hûn / hun / hûng we -a/-ê we
3. pl ew wan -a/-ê wan

3.6.2 Demonstrative pronouns

Form direct oblique m oblique f pl. obl. Meaning
near ev vî vê van this
far ew wî wê wan that

3.6.3 Possessive pronouns

Are formed via Izafe + oblique personal pronoun (see above).

3.6.4 Reflexive

  • xwe: oneself, own (self-reference, all persons), invariant!
  • Ez xwe dibînim.: I see myself.
  • Wî xwe dît.: He saw himself.

3.6.5 Reciprocal

  • hev / hevdu / yek (ji) yekê: each other
  • Em hev dibînin.: We see each other.

3.6.6 Interrogative pronouns

Hawar Meaning
kî who
çi what
kîjan which
çend how many
kengî when
ku/kû where
çawa how
çima why

3.7 Verbs

3.7.1 Verb stems

Every verb has two stems:

  • Present stem (used for present, subjunctive, imperative, future, conditional)
  • Preterite stem = usually the infinitive without -in/-tin/-an (for preterite, perfect, pluperfect)
Infinitive Meaning present stem pret. stem
bûn to be/become -b- / -bî- bû-
hebûn to exist -heb- hebû-
kirin to do/make -k- kir-
çûn to go -ç- çû-
hatin to come -ê- / -ê-(t)- hat-
dîtin to see -bîn- dît-
gotin to say -bêj- got-
xwarin to eat -xw- xwar-
vexwarin to drink -vexw- vexwar-
dan to give -d- da-
birin to carry -b- bir-
anîn to bring -în- anî-
zanîn to know -zan- zanî-
karîn to be able -kar- karî-
xwastin to want -xwaz- xwast-
şîyan to be able -ş- şîya-
mayîn to stay -mîn- ma-
firotin to sell -firoş- firot-
kirîn to buy -kir- kirî-
gerîn to search -ger- gerî-

3.7.2 Present formation (di- + present stem + personal ending)

Person ending example kirin “to do” example hatin “to come”
1. sg -im / -m ez di-k-im ez tê-m / ez di-h-êm
2. sg -î / -y tu di-k-î tu tê-y / tu di-h-ê-y
3. sg -e ew di-k-e ew tê / ew di-h-ê
1. pl -in em di-k-in em tê-n / em di-h-ê-n
2. pl -in hûn di-k-in hûn tê-n
3. pl -in ew di-k-in ew tê-n

With hatin: contracted present stem tê- (from historical d-ê-).

3.7.3 Preterite

Intransitive verbs → regular conjugation with pret. stem + ending:

Person ending çûn “to go” → çû-
1. sg -m ez çû-m
2. sg -yî tu çû-yî
3. sg -∅ ew çû
1. pl -n em çû-n
2. pl -n hûn çû-n
3. pl -n ew çû-n

Transitive verbs → ergative: agent oblique, patient direct, verb agrees with the patient:

  • Min tu dît.: I (obl.) saw you (dir.), verb -∅ because 2sg patient
  • Min ew dîtin.: I saw them (pl), verb -in because 3pl patient
  • Wê em dîtin.: She saw us, verb -in

3.7.4 Subjunctive (bi- + present stem)

Person bikim (I do/would do)
1. sg ez bi-k-im
2. sg tu bi-k-î
3. sg ew bi-k-e
1. pl em bi-k-in
2. pl hûn bi-k-in
3. pl ew bi-k-in

Use: after modal verbs (divê, dixwazim ku), in conditional clauses (eger), in wishes (xwezî, bila).

3.7.5 Imperative

  • 2.sg: bi- + present stem + ∅ → bike! (do!), bibe! (be!), bigire! (take!)
  • 2.pl: bi- + present stem + -in → bikin! (do!), bibin! (be!)
  • Negative: ne- + present stem + ∅/-in → neke! (don’t do!), nekin! (don’t do! pl.)

3.7.6 Future

Construction: dê / wê / yê (future particle) + subjunctive

  • Ez dê biçim.: I will go.
  • Tu dê bibînî.: You will see.
  • In Êzdîkî dê + ez/tu/ew merge into: ezê, tuyê, ewê, emê, hûnê, ewê (cliticized).

3.7.7 Perfect (present perfect)

Construction: pret. stem + -iye (intr.) / + -iye + patient agreement (tr.)

  • intransitive: ez çû-me, tu çû-yî, ew çû-ye, em/hûn/ew çû-ne
  • transitive (ergative): min dît-iye (I have seen, 3sg patient implicit), min ew dîtine (I have seen them)

3.7.8 Pluperfect

Construction: pret. stem + -i-bû (intr.) / with patient agreement (tr.)

  • ez çû-bû-m: I had gone
  • min dît-i-bû: I had seen (3sg patient)

3.7.9 Conditional (irrealis)

  • biya- / bi-…-(i)ya + ending
  • Example: eger min ew bidîta, ez ê bi wî re bipeyivîma.
  • “If I had seen him, I would have spoken with him.”

3.7.10 Modal constructions

Modal verb Meaning Construction Example
divê / divêt must divê + subj. + subjunctive divê ez biçim, I must go
dikare / dişê can subj.-conj. + subjunctive ez dikarim biçim, I can go
dixwaze want subj.-conj. + subjunctive ez dixwazim biçim, I want to go
dibe ku maybe/may dibe ku + subj. + subjunctive dibe ku ew were, he may come
lazim e necessary lazim e + subj. + subjunctive lazim e ez biçim
hêvîya min ew e ku hope hêvîya min ew e ku + subj. + subjunctive I hope that…

4. SYNTAX

4.1 Word order

Basic order: SOV (subject – object – verb), but strongly pragmatically movable.

SUBJ OBJ (INDIRECT) (ADVERB) VERB
Ez kitêbê ji bavê sibehê dixwînim.
"I the book from father in the morning read."

Variations:

  • Topic fronting: object first for emphasis
  • Postposing of the subject: in questions with focus
  • Verb-initial position: only very restricted (imperative, religious formulas)

4.2 Postpositions + circumpositional constructions

Êzdîkî/Kurmancî uses both prepositions and postpositions as well as circumpositional constructions (pre+post frame the complement).

Pure postpositions

  • -(d)e locative, in (gund-de = in the village)
  • -®a comitative/relational, with, for
  • -(v)e directive, to, toward

True prepositions

  • bi: with/by (instrumental)
  • ji: from/out of (ablative)
  • li: at/on (locative prep.)
  • di: in (locative prep.; rare without postposition)
  • bo: for
  • wek: like

Circumpositions (most frequent type!)

  • di … de: in (di malê de = in the house)
  • di … re: through (di derî re = through the door)
  • ji … re: for, to (ji min re = for me)
  • ji … ve: since (ji sibehê ve = since morning)
  • bi … re: with (bi te re = with you)
  • li … rast: opposite of

4.3 Negation

Tense / mood negation marker Example
present na- / ni- ez na-çim (I do not go)
copula (be-verb) ne ez ne baş im (I am not good)
imperative ne- neke! (don’t do!)
subjunctive/future ne- ne-biçim (that I do not go)
preterite ne- ez ne-çûm (I did not go)
existence tune / tunîne nan tune (there is no bread)

4.4 Possessive construction

Izafe + oblique personal pronoun:

  • mala min: my house (mal-a min)
  • bavê te: your father (bav-ê te)
  • keça wê: her daughter (keç-a wê)

With a noun: kitêba kurê min, the book of my son

4.5 Relative clauses

ku is the universal relative particle.

  • Mêrê ku hat, birayê min e.: The man who came is my brother.
  • Kitêba ku te xwend, ya min e.: The book that you read is mine.

Resumptive pronoun in the relative clause: not obligatory.

4.6 Complement clauses

  • Conjunction ku (that): Ez dizanim ku ew tê., I know that he is coming.
  • Conjunction eger / heger / ger (if): conditional clause
  • Conjunction dema (ku) (when/as): temporal
  • Conjunction çawa (ku) (just as): modal
  • Conjunction lê (but): adversative
  • Conjunction ji ber ku (because): causal

4.7 Interrogative sentence

  • Yes/no question: intonation + optional particle gelo, ma, ka
  • Ma tu tê?: Are you coming?
  • Gelo ev rast e?: Is that true?
  • Wh-question: question word + regular word order
  • Tu çi dikî?: What are you doing?
  • Hûn kû ne?: Where are you?

5. LEXICAL LAYERS

5.1 Iranian base (~65-70%)

Inherited word layers from Middle Iranian (Parthian/Middle Persian) and older:

Êzdîkî / Kurmancî Meaning Middle Iranian Avestan / Old Pers.
av water āb āp- (av.)
nan bread nān Persian < ?
dest hand dast zasta- (av.)
ser head sar sarah- (av.)
dil heart dil zərəd- (av.)
çav eye čašm čašman- (av.)
ezman sky/mouth asmān asman- (av.)
roj day/sun rōz raocah- (av.)
şev night šab xšap- (av.)
mal house māl < arab.? (loan path)
jin woman jan jaini- (av.)
mêr man mērd martiya- (av.)
bav father pid pitar- (av.)
dê / dayik mother mād mātar- (av.)
bira brother brād brātar- (av.)
xwişk sister xwāhar x̌vaŋhar- (av.)
kur son pus / kurr puθra- (av.)
keç / dot daughter duxt duγδar- (av.)
nav name nām nāman- (av.)
ax / xak earth xāk zam- (av.)
agir fire ādur / ātaš ātar- (av.)
ba wind wād / bād vāta- (av.)
kanî spring xānig x̌āni- (av.)

5.2 Arabic loanwords (~20%)

Introduced through the Islamization of the region in the 7th–10th centuries, later through education/administration/religion. Êzîdîs have despite non-Islamization many Arabic loanwords, because as a minority they lived under Arab and Ottoman administration:

Êzdîkî Arabic origin Meaning
dunya dunyā world
Xwedê / Êzdan (Êzdan = Iranian) God
kitêb kitāb book
dewlet dawla state
millet milla people/nation
meriv (Kurdish own formation, but loan structure) human/person
selam salām greeting
sebr ṣabr patience
heq ḥaqq right/truth
ʼeyb ʕayb shame
ʼerd arḍ earth
ʼelî ʕalī high (proper name)
hewl ḥawl effort
muxteser muxtaṣar short, concise
qenc (Kurdish, but Arabic sound) good
sebeb sabab reason
qedr qadr value
sal (actually Iranian sāl) year
sefer safar journey
dewran dawrān epoch
edet ʕāda custom/usage
ḥeval (Kurdish+Arabic hybrid) friend

5.3 Turkish / Ottoman loanwords (~3-5%)

Via Ottoman administration and the modern Turkish media language:

Êzdîkî Turkish Meaning
dolab dolap cupboard
oda oda room
baxçe bahçe garden
şeker şeker sugar
qehwe kahve coffee
kazan kazan kettle
pencere pencere window (also Pers.)
sandel(î) sandalye chair
boyax boya paint/color
beleş beleş free of charge

5.4 Russian loanwords (Armenia/Georgia/Russia Êzîdî)

Active from 1828 (Russian Caucasus), intensive from 1921 (Soviet Armenia):

Êzdîkî (Aparan/Tbilisi) Russian Meaning
paspart паспорт passport
viza виза visa
samavar самовар samovar
kolxoz колхоз kolkhoz
sovxoz совхоз sovkhoz
zavod завод factory
maşîn машина car, machine
traktor трактор tractor
metro метро subway
stol стол table
stûl стул chair
şokolad шоколад chocolate
çay чай (originally East Asian) tea
telefon телефон telephone
televîzor телевизор television
radio радио radio
benzîn бензин gasoline
kîno кино cinema
têatr театр theater
kompîwter компьютер computer
univêrsîtêt университет university
şkola школа school
dîrektor директор director
kvartir / kvartîra квартира apartment
balkon балкон balcony
holodîlnîk холодильник refrigerator
podyezd подъезд building entrance
kanêşno конечно of course (conversation)

5.5 Aramaic / Syriac loanwords (Sinjar-Êzîdî via Christian neighbors)

Via the Suryoye (Surayt/Turoyo) and Chaldean neighborhood in the Sinjar/Nineveh region:

Êzdîkî Aramaic Meaning
dêr dayrā monastery
baba bābā father (affectionate)
şewat šabbathā Sabbath/feast day
qesîs qaššīšā priest
mesîh mšîḥā Messiah
qurban qurbānā sacrifice
îsa ʿīšōʿ Jesus
meryem maryam Mary

5.6 Êzîdî’s own sacred vocabulary (NON-Kurmancî)

These words are exclusive to Êzîdî-hood, not found in Standard Kurmancî of Muslim Kurds:

Êzdîkî Meaning Note
Êzdan / Êzîd God / Creator Indo-Iranian *yazata- “worthy of worship”
Tawisî Melek Peacock Angel (highest angel) from Arabic+Kurdish, uniquely Êzîdî
Şêx Adî holy reformer of the 12th c. of Sufi roots, own veneration
Lalîş holiest valley/shrine toponym, sacred term
Sema ritual assembly also in Sufism, but specifically Êzîdî
Qewl religious hymn “word”, but with sacred meaning
Beyt religious stanza oral tradition
Dua prayer from Arabic, but used distinctly Êzîdî
Berat talisman/blessing stone specifically Êzîdî
Mîr prince, Êzîdî head title
Baba Sheikh religious leader (top) title
Pîr priestly caste Iranian root, Êzîdî-specific meaning
Şêx Sheikh caste Arabic-Êzîdî
Mirîd layperson (Êzîdî people) Sufi-Êzîdî
Berbang dawn prayer
Berdêl ritual adoption (baptismal parents)
Mişîr purification bath
Şivan shepherd (also a sacred term)
Sersal New Year’s feast (Çarşema Sor)
Çarşema Sor Red Wednesday (New Year) most important feast
Cejna Êzîd Êzîd feast
Cemaʼiye assembly feast in Lalîş
Belî ritual confirmation
Xêr blessing/gift Iranian+sacred
Ferman genocide edict Ottoman-Arabic term, Êzîdî meaning
Qenc good/pure in Êzîdî with a moral-religious meaning
Heq truth, God (heyâ) in Êzîdî = God (also Heq u Hewala)

6. DIALECT ATLAS

6.1 Overview of dialect groups

ÊZDÎKÎ DIALECT CLUSTER
│
├── IRAQ
│ ├── Sinjar (Şingal), southwestern, Arabic-contacted
│ │ ├── Solaġ-Sub
│ │ ├── Sinune-Sub
│ │ └── Khanasor-Sub
│ ├── Sheikhan (Şêxan), northeastern, classical, Lalîş region
│ │ ├── Baadre-Sub
│ │ ├── Aïn-Sifni / Khanik-Sub
│ │ └── Bashiqa-Bahzani (mixed Arabic)
│ └── Bahzani (own Arabophone idiom + liturgical Êzdîkî)
│
├── SYRIA
│ └── Afrin-Êzdîkî (small, more dominant before 2018)
│
├── TURKEY (historical, hardly any left)
│ ├── Cizre / Şırnak, Êzîdî majority before 1915
│ ├── Viranşehir, before 1915
│ └── Beşiri / Batman, residually recognizable
│
├── CAUCASUS
│ ├── Aparan/Yerevan-Cindî (Armenia)
│ │ ├── Aparan-Sub
│ │ ├── Talin-Sub
│ │ └── Yerevan-Sub
│ ├── Tbilisi-Êzdîkî (Georgia)
│ └── Krasnodar/Stavropol-Cindî (Southern Russia)
│
└── DIASPORA
 ├── Germany, Hannover, Bielefeld, Celle, Oldenburg, Hildesheim
 ├── Sweden, Göteborg, Stockholm
 ├── USA, Lincoln/Nebraska, Houston/Texas
 └── Belgium, NL, AT, FR, smaller bubbles

6.2 Dialect comparison table

Phrase / term Sinjar Sheikhan Bahzani-liturg. Aparan/Yerevan Tbilisi Krasnodar Diaspora (Hannover)
“Hello” merheba silav silav silav / dirûd silav silav silav
“How are you?” çoni? / çawanî? tu çawa yî? çawa yî? ç’awa ye? çawa yî? ç’awa yî? tu çawa yî?
“I” ez ez ez ez ez ez ez
“water” aw av aw av av av av
“bread” nan nan nan nan nan nan nan
“house” mal mal mal mal mal mal mal
“father” bave / bab bav / bavê bave bav / dad bav bav bav
“mother” dayî / dadê dayîk day dayîk / dê dê / nene dê dayîk
“son” kurê / lawe kur / law kurê kur kur kur kur
“daughter” keç / dot keç dot keç keç keç keç
“God” Êzdan / Xwedê Xwedê / Êzdan Êzîd Xwedê / Êzdan Xwedê Xwedê Xwedê
“love” hez hez / evîn hez hez hez hez hez
“to come” (inf.) hatin hatin hatin hatin hatin hatin hatin
“I come” ez têm ez têm ez têm ez têm ez têm ez têm ez têm
Loanword frequency ar. very high high extremely high medium low low low
Loanword frequency tr. low low very low low medium low high
Loanword frequency ru. none none none very high high very high none
Loanword Armenian none none none medium-high low low none
Loanword Georgian none none none none medium-high none none
Pharyngeals preserved yes very yes yes very medium slight slight slight
Ejectives active yes medium slight yes medium yes no
Script today Latin/Arabic Latin Arabic Cyrillic→Latin Latin Cyrillic Latin

6.3 Detailed dialect profiles

6.3.1 Sinjar-Êzdîkî (Şingal)

  • Geography: Sinjar mountains, NW Iraq, border with Syria.
  • Speakers 2024: ~200k before the 2014 genocide, now ~150k (diaspora loss).
  • Characteristics:
  • Strongest Arabic influence (lexicon, some phonemes /sˤ/, /ðˤ/)
  • Consonants /ʕ/, /ħ/, /q/ fully preserved
  • Vowel /æ/ as an allophone of /a/
  • Diphthongs /aw/, /ay/ preserved (instead of monophthongized to o/ê)
  • Ejectives p’/t’/k’ strong
  • Language contact: Arabic (Mosul dialect), Sorani Kurdish (peripheral)
  • Script: Latin script (Hawar) + Sorani-Arabic mixed
  • Genocidal language consequences: heavy decimation through the IS massacres of 2014 (Ferman). The diaspora in DE, AUS, CAN often does not actively continue Sinjar-Êzdîkî in the 2nd/3rd generation.

6.3.2 Sheikhan-Êzdîkî (Şêxan)

  • Geography: Sheikhan district, N Iraq, Lalîş valley (the holiest Êzîdî center).
  • Speakers 2024: ~80-100k in Sheikhan + Lalîş + Baʼadre.
  • Characteristics:
  • “Classical” Êzdîkî, sacred standard
  • Medium preservation of pharyngeals
  • Weaker ejectives than Sinjar
  • Loanwords: moderately Arabic, hardly any Turkish
  • Script: Hawar-Latin dominant
  • Liturgical significance: the Mîr’s seat was Baʼadre, Lalîş is here, Sheikhan-Êzdîkî is the “liturgical norm”.

6.3.3 Bahzani / Bashiqa

  • Geography: two villages (Bashiqa + Bahzani) near Mosul.
  • Linguistic peculiarity: the Êzîdî there speak an Arabic everyday idiom (Bashiqa Arabic = Mardelli-Mesopotamian Arabic), but liturgy in Êzdîkî. A rare diglossia.
  • Speakers 2024: ~10-15k (more before 2014).
  • Research: Spät 2008, Allison 2017.

6.3.4 Aparan-Cindî (Armenia)

  • Geography: Aparan district + Yerevan + Talin + Armavir.
  • Speakers 2024: ~30-40k active (out of ~52k Êzîdî in Armenia per the 2011 census, many of whom identify as Êzîdî but do not have Cindî as their mother tongue).
  • Characteristics:
  • Cindî-Cyrillic writing tradition since 1946 (even if more Latin today)
  • Strong Russian + Armenian loanwords
  • Ejectives p’/t’/k’ / ç’ active (fits the Armenian ejective series!)
  • Conservation of archaic Êzdîkî forms (isolated since 1828)
  • Own Êzîdî broadcasters: Êzîdîxan TV, Lalish Radio, Armenian Êzîdî associations
  • Research landscape: Yerevan school (Asatrian, Arakelova, Pirbari).

6.3.5 Tbilisi-Êzdîkî (Georgia)

  • Geography: city of Tbilisi + rural Êzîdî villages (Tselinograd-like).
  • Speakers 2024: ~3-5k active, dwindling.
  • Characteristics:
  • Georgian loanwords (puri = bread, gamarjoba = hello, etc.)
  • Phonetically slightly shifted by the Georgian sound system (ejectives very strong!)
  • Script today increasingly Latin, formerly Cyrillic, occasionally Georgian script (especially in private notes)
  • Status: endangered Êzdîkî variety, emigration toward DE/RU.

6.3.6 Krasnodar/Stavropol-Cindî

  • Geography: Krasnodar Krai + Stavropol Krai, Southern Russia.
  • Speakers 2024: ~30-40k.
  • Migration: from the 1990s out of Armenia/Georgia.
  • Characteristics:
  • very strong Russian influence
  • Cindî-Cyrillic dominant
  • ejectives active
  • Status: preserves itself better than Tbilisi because of more closed communities.

6.3.7 Hannover diaspora (Germany)

  • Geography: Hannover region, Lower Saxony, NRW.
  • Speakers 2024: ~200-250k Êzîdî in DE, of whom perhaps ~70% are Êzdîkî-active.
  • Characteristics:
  • Mixture of Sinjar + Sheikhan + Turkey-Êzdîkî
  • Decline of pharyngeals + ejectives (younger generation)
  • German loanwords increasingly (Termin, Polizei, Versicherung, Schule)
  • Script: Hawar-Latin
  • Generational problem: Gen 3 (Êzîdî children born in DE from around 2010) often only speak Êzdîkî passively, with German as L1. Êzîdî language schools (Hannover, Celle, Oldenburg) have been emerging since 2014/15.

7. WRITING SYSTEMS (HISTORICAL + CURRENT)

7.1 Hawar Latin alphabet (Bedirxan 1932)

  • Inventors: Celadet Alî Bedirxan + Kamuran Bedirxan + Roger Lescot
  • Place: Damascus, Syria
  • Year: May 1932 (magazine Hawar No. 1)
  • Number of letters: 31
  • Status: de-facto standard for Kurmancî + Êzdîkî today
  • Strengths: phonemically clear, computer-friendly, internationally reader-friendly
  • Weaknesses: does not notate ejective consonants, no pharyngeal phonemes (ʼ, ḥ, ġ added unofficially)

7.2 Cindî-Cyrillic (1946)

  • Inventor: Heciyê Cindî (1908-1990, Êzîdî from Aparan/Armenia)
  • Place: Yerevan, Soviet Armenia
  • Year: 1946 (replaced the previous Janalif-Latin 1928-1946 and the Armenian alphabet 1921-1928)
  • Number of letters: 40 (incl. apostrophe variants for ejectives)
  • Status: until 1991 the official Soviet Êzîdî script, still partly used today in Armenia/Georgia/Russia
  • Strengths: notates ejective consonants (k’, p’, t’, ç’, ġ), pharyngeals (ḥ, ʼ), Russian loan phonemes (ы, ю, я)
  • Weaknesses: technically not standardized in Unicode (various variants), ISO-639 tag inconsistent

7.3 Soraní-Arabic alphabet

  • Use: Sorani Kurdish + Sinjar-Êzîdî (mixed with Hawar)
  • Basis: Perso-Arabic + special glyphs (ێ, ۆ, ڕ)
  • Êzdîkî: Sinjar-Êzîdî uses it for school/administrative texts in the KRG (Kurdistan Region of Iraq)
  • Strengths: familiar for Arabic-contacted speakers
  • Weaknesses: weak vowel notation, reading hurdle for non-Sorani speakers

7.4 Armenian alphabet (1921-1928 Êzîdî script)

  • Period: 1921-1928 in Soviet Armenia
  • Use: Êzîdî schoolbooks shortly after the founding of Soviet Armenia, then replaced by Janalif-Latin (Soviet Latinization campaign) and in 1946 by Cindî-Cyrillic
  • Example works: first Êzîdî school primer by Lazo (Hakob Ghazaryan)
  • Status: historical, today only in museums/libraries

7.5 Janalif (Yañalif, 1928-1946 Soviet Latin)

  • Background: Soviet Latinization campaign (“New Turkic-language Latin alphabet”) for all languages of the USSR
  • Use Êzdîkî: 1928-1946 in Armenia
  • Letters: resembles Hawar, but with different conventions (e.g. K’ with apostrophe for ejective)
  • End: 1946, replaced by Cyrillic in the course of the Soviet Cyrillization campaign

7.6 Georgian alphabet (modern Tbilisi-Êzîdî, occasional)

  • Status: not official, but occasionally used by Tbilisi-Êzîdî for private notes, family documents
  • Examples: Êzîdî family names are transliterated into Georgian in the Georgian passport; some write Êzdîkî with Georgian letters

7.7 Script correspondence table (triple-script)

IPA Hawar-Latin Cindî-Cyrillic Sorani-Arabic Example word
/a/ a А а ا nan (bread)
/b/ b Б б ب bav (father)
/tʃ/ ç Ч ч چ çav (eye)
/tʃʼ/ ç’ Ч’ ч’ (rare ç̣) ç’av (shell)
/d/ d Д д د dest (hand)
/ɛ/ e Е е ە kes (person)
/eː/ ê Ē / Е̄ / Йе ێ mêr (man)
/f/ f Ф ф ف fêr (to learn)
/ɡ/ g Г г گ gund (village)
/ɣ/ ġ Г’ г’ غ ġafil (careless)
/h/ h Һ һ / H h ھ heval (friend)
/ħ/ ḥ Һ’ һ’ ح ḥeval (friend-cons.)
/ɨ/ i Ь ь (∅ / ـ) dil (heart)
/iː/ î И и ی şîr (milk)
/ʒ/ j Ж ж ژ jin (woman)
/dʒ/ c Щ щ / Ҹ ҹ ج car (time)
/k/ k К к ك kar (work)
/kʼ/ k’ К’ к’ (rare ک̇) k’er (donkey)
/l/ l Л л ل lê (at)
/m/ m М м م mal (house)
/n/ n Н н ن nan (bread)
/oː/ o О о ۆ dor (turn/row)
/p/ p П п پ par (share)
/pʼ/ p’ П’ п’ (rare پ̇) p’iya (on foot)
/q/ q Қ қ / Q q ق qenc (good)
/ɾ/ r Р р ر rê (way)
/r/ rr / r̄ Р’ р’ ڕ pirr (much)
/s/ s С с س ser (head)
/ʃ/ ş Ш ш ش şev (night)
/t/ t Т т ت te (you obl.)
/tʼ/ t’ Т’ т’ (rare ت̇) t’evda (all)
/ʊ/ u У у و gund (village)
/uː/ û Ӯ ӯ / Ў ў وو rû (face)
/v/ v В в ڤ av (water)
/w/ w Ў ў / W w و welat (land)
/x/ x Х х خ xwe (self)
/j/ y Й й ی yek (one)
/z/ z З з ز zer (yellow)
/ʔ/ ʼ (rare) (∅) ء (Êzdîkî rare)
/ʕ/ ʼ Ə’ ə’ ع ʼerd (earth)

8. STATE OF LANGUAGE RESEARCH

8.1 Most important works (chronological)

Year Author / work Contribution
1872 Auguste Jaba, Lexique français-kurde (St. Petersburg) first modern Kurdish dictionary
1879 F. Justi, Kurdische Grammatik first systematic grammar
1913 C. Roediger, Die Yeziden early Êzîdî research
1932 C. Bedirxan, Hawar magazine No. 1, Damascus Hawar Latin alphabet
1932-43 Hawar magazine, 57 issues standardization of Kurmancî
1936 R. Lescot, Hawar contributor grammar in Hawar
1948 T.F. Aristova, Soviet-Êzîdî studies Yerevan Soviet-Êzîdî lexicography
1957 Çerkez X. Bakaev, Yazyk azerbaydzhanskikh kurdov Soviet Kurdology, phonology
1960 Qanatê Kurdo (Kurdoev), Grammatika kurdskogo yazyka Soviet grammar
1961 M. R. Izady, Kurdish standardization efforts
1965 Heciyê Cindî, K’urd folkloriê Êzîdî folklore collection in Cindî-Cyrillic
1961-62 D. N. MacKenzie, Kurdish Dialect Studies I–II (Oxford UP) standard reference for Kurmancî/Soranî classification, defining isoglosses
1998 L. Paul, “The Position of Zazaki among West Iranian Languages” Zazakî/Goranî as non-Kurdish
1979 J. Blau, Manuel de Kurde (Kurmandji) French Kurmancî manual
1994 P.G. Kreyenbroek, Yezidism: Its Background, Observances, Textual Tradition standard work on Êzîdî-hood (religion + texts)
1995 M. Lewis, Yezidi Bibliography state of research
1995 D.N. MacKenzie, “Kurdish (linguistic survey)”, in Encyclopaedia Iranica classification
2000 G. Asatrian, The Religion of the Peacock Angel Êzîdî religion, linguistic
2003 M. L. Chyet, Kurdish-English Dictionary (Yale UP) most comprehensive scholarly dictionary
2003 A. Korn, Materials for a Sketch of Balochi Historical Phonology placing Zazakî/Goranî near Caspian
2005 C. Allison, The Yezidi Oral Tradition in Iraqi Kurdistan Sheikhan-Êzdîkî corpus
2006 W. M. Thackston, Kurmanji Kurdish: A Reference Grammar with Selected Readings Harvard grammar (English, very widespread)
2008 P. G. Kreyenbroek + K. Jindy Rashow, God and Sheikh Adi are Perfect sacred Êzîdî texts edited + translated
2009 G. Asatrian, “Prolegomena to the Study of the Kurds”, Iran & Caucasus 13/1 clarifying the position of Êzdîkî
2010 M. P. Lewis & G. F. Simons, “Assessing Endangerment: Expanding Fishman’s GIDS” endangerment scale (applied to Êzdîkî)
2011 G. Asatrian & V. Arakelova, “Construction of Kurdish and Yezidi Identities … Armenia” Êzdîkî designation, identity question
2014 E. Öpengin & G. Haig, “Regional Variation in Kurmanji: A Preliminary Classification of Dialects”, Kurdish Studies 2/2 Kurmancî dialect continuum
2010 E. Spät, Late Antique Motifs in Yezidi Oral Tradition Bahzani-Bashiqa corpus
2011 Kh. Omarkhali, Yezidi religious lyric songs (Kovars) Êzîdî hymns
2014 M. Schmidinger, Die Yezidi: eine Religion zwischen Islam, Christentum… religion + language (German)
2014 C. Allison, Êzîdî after the IS genocide: language threat situation (Paris workshop)
2016 P. G. Kreyenbroek + Kh. Omarkhali, Yezidism: Religion, Mythology, Texts synthesis work
2017 Kh. Omarkhali, The Yezidi Religious Textual Tradition: From Oral to Written sacred corpus, written fixation (Harrassowitz, open access Göttingen)
2017 Y. Matras, Revisiting Kurdish Dialect Geography (Manchester Database) “Great Divide” Kurmancî/Soranî, isogloss maps
2018 G. Haig & E. Öpengin (eds.), Kurdish Dialectology / The Languages and Linguistics of W. Asia five-group model of Kurdish
2017 E. Spät, Yezidi Identity Politics and Political Ambitions identity-political
2018 S. Düchting, Hamburg Êzîdî studies diaspora sociolinguistics
2019 A. M. Pirbari + Kh. Omarkhali (eds.), Êzîdî collected volumes Yerevan Armenian Êzîdî research
2020 A. Hessenmüller, Hannover Êzdîkî sociolinguistics diaspora generational change
2021 S. Düchting, Êzîdî in Germany – language + identity (Hamburg dissertation)
2023 Kh. Omarkhali (ed.), updated bibliography Êzîdî
2024 Yerevan school (Asatrian/Arakelova/Pirbari), Êzîdî post-genocide current situation

8.2 Important research institutes

  • SOAS (London), Kreyenbroek, Allison
  • University of Göttingen: Omarkhali (formerly Berlin/HU)
  • University of Hamburg: Düchting, Schmidinger (external)
  • Caucasian Centre for Iranian Studies, Yerevan: Asatrian, Arakelova, Pirbari
  • Yale University Press: Chyet dictionary
  • Harvard University, NELC: Thackston
  • University of Tübingen: Spät
  • Institut Kurde de Paris: Blau, Lescot legacy
  • Êzîdî Academy Hannover: diaspora research

8.3 Open access / digital corpora

  • Êzîdî Religious Textual Database (Omarkhali, online since 2018, with audio recordings)
  • Lalish Notable Texts Project (Kreyenbroek legacy, SOAS)
  • TITUS Project Frankfurt: Kurmancî texts digitized
  • Êzdîkî-Wikipedia (integrated into the Kurmancî wiki, no separate wiki domain)
  • Kurdish Language Diversity Project (online corpus)

8.4 Current research questions

  1. ISO-639 separate code for Êzdîkî: applied for politically, academically contested (classification as a Kurmancî variety vs. a separated language)
  2. Sacred lexicon as a marker system: how many exclusive sacred terms really exist? Omarkhali counts ~250-300 sacred terms that are Êzîdî-exclusive.
  3. Language loss in the diaspora Gen 3: empirical studies by Düchting, Hessenmüller show that Êzdîkî is dramatically declining among Êzîdî youth born in DE/SE/USA
  4. Genocide consequences for Sinjar-Êzdîkî: many speakers lost or traumatized, oral tradition broken
  5. Digital Êzdîkî: keyboard layouts, Unicode issues with ejective/pharyngeal letters

8.5 Sociolinguistics I: Êzdîkî as the sacred language of the Qewl

Êzîdî-hood is a primarily orally transmitted religion: its core consists of the Qewl (hymns), Beyt (stanzas), and Dua (prayers), which are recited by hereditary reciters (qewwal). They are composed in Northern Kurdish (Kurmancî) (Encyclopaedia Iranica, “Qawl”; Kreyenbroek 1995). Linguistically relevant is that the Qewl form their own sacred register:

  • Archaic-elevated phonology & lexicon: the Qewl preserve older forms and the exclusive sacred lexicon (5.6); for rhyme and meter, familiar words are “bent”, which is why even the literal meaning of some verses remains obscure (Kreyenbroek 1995; Allison 2001).
  • Conservation function: as a memorized, ritual text, the corpus acts language-conservingly, it keeps phonetic conservatisms (pharyngeals, rolled liquids) alive longer than the everyday language.
  • Written-fixation turn: Khanna Omarkhali (The Yezidi Religious Textual Tradition: From Oral to Written, Harrassowitz 2017) documents the transition from a purely oral to a written-fixed corpus and estimates the Êzîdî-exclusive sacred lexicon at several hundred terms.

In-depth on hymns, recitation, and editing: Qewl-Tradition; the religious embedding: Religion.

8.6 Sociolinguistics II: diaspora language change & threat status

The preservation of Êzdîkî depends, according to the criterion established in language-endangerment research (Fishman’s GIDS / UNESCO Atlas; Lewis & Simons 2010, “Assessing endangerment: Expanding Fishman’s GIDS”), decisively on intergenerational transmission. Findings:

  • Home regions (Iraq): still living transmission, but structurally disrupted by the 2014 genocide (Ferman) and the expulsion from Sinjar, loss of bearers of the oral tradition, interrupted socialization in camps and the diaspora. In-depth: Genozid 2014.
  • Diaspora (DE/SE/USA): studies on the Kurmancî-/Êzdîkî-speaking diaspora (Hassanpour and others on Kurmancî language planning in exile; Düchting, Hamburg 2021; Hessenmüller, Hannover 2020) show the typical three-generation pattern of language shift: Gen 1 dominantly Êzdîkî, Gen 2 bilingual, Gen 3 often only passively competent, with German/Swedish/English as L1. In Germany there live around 200,000–250,000 Êzîdîs (the diaspora canon of this wiki); only a part of these is actively Êzdîkî-speaking, with a falling tendency in the third generation. In-depth: Identität & Ethnogenese.
  • Caucasus (Armenia/Georgia): Aparan-/Tbilisi-Êzdîkî are considered definitely to severely endangered (small, aging speaker numbers, emigration, competition from Russian/Armenian/Georgian).

Counteracting factors (revitalization): the heightened identity awareness after 2014, diaspora language schools (since 2014/15, cf. 9.2), digital corpora and media (9.3), and growing academic interest (Omarkhali, Allison, Düchting). A missing ISO-639 self-recognition remains a visibility problem (see 1.3, 8.4).

Hypothesis (marked): Whether the digital/educational revitalization measures can compensate for the Gen-3 language loss in the diaspora is empirically still open, longitudinal data are so far lacking.

9. ÊZDÎKÎ ATLAS TODAY

9.1 Speaker geography (estimates 2024)

Region Êzîdî total Êzdîkî active Script
Iraq (Sinjar + Sheikhan) ~400-500k ~350-400k Hawar + Arabic-Sorani
Syria (Afrin + Aleppo) ~30k ~20k Hawar
Turkey (rest, Tur Abdin) ~5-10k ~3-5k Hawar
Armenia (Aparan, Yerevan) ~35-50k ~25-35k Cindî-Cyrillic + Hawar
Georgia (Tbilisi) ~6-10k ~3-5k Cindî-Cyrillic + Hawar
Russia (Krasnodar, Stavropol) ~30-50k ~25-35k Cindî-Cyrillic
Germany (Lower Saxony, NRW) ~200-250k ~140-175k Hawar
Sweden (Göteborg) ~5-7k ~3-4k Hawar
USA (Lincoln/Nebraska) ~5-8k ~3-5k Hawar
AUS, CAN, NL, BEL, AT ~10-15k ~5-8k Hawar
TOTAL ~700k-1.0M ~550-800k

Estimates fluctuate strongly because:

  • Êzîdî identity is not always = speaker identity (diaspora Gen2/3 often passive)
  • census data are partly unreliable (Turkey does not count Êzîdîs separately, Iraq no census since 2014)
  • the 2014 genocide caused demographic ruptures

9.2 Êzdîkî language schools / education

City Institution Status
Hannover (DE) Êzîdî Academy + Êzîdî Cultural Center active since 2014
Bielefeld (DE) Êzîdî Women’s Council + language courses active
Celle (DE) Êzîdî community courses active
Göteborg (SE) Êzîdî-Föreningen, Saturday school active
Lincoln/Nebraska Yezda + local community school courses active
Yerevan Êzîdî language instruction in Armenian schools (KMR classes) official since 1990s
Tbilisi Êzîdî Sunday school active, small
Dohuk (Iraq) Êzîdî schools + Kurmancî main instruction (KRG) active
Sinjar (Iraq) post-genocide reconstruction, some schools fragile
Online (global) Êzîdî Academy online, YouTube channels active

9.3 Media usage

  • TV: ÊzîdîXAN TV (Dohuk), Sterka TV, Lalish Media Center
  • Radio: Radio Lalish, Êzîdî Radio Hannover
  • Online: many YouTube channels for Qewl recitation, Êzîdî folklore
  • Print: Lalish magazine, Êzdîxan publishing house Hannover (books in Êzdîkî + German)

9.4 Threat index (UNESCO Atlas logic)

According to UNESCO criteria, Êzdîkî is considered:

  • Vulnerable: in Iraq/diaspora Gen 1-2
  • Definitely endangered: diaspora Gen 3, Aparan/Tbilisi variants
  • Severely endangered: Tbilisi-Êzîdîkî isolated, Aparan-Cindî in young generations

Factors:

  1. Diaspora integration (German/English/Swedish L1)
  2. Compulsory schooling in the majority language
  3. Genocide consequences in Sinjar (speaker loss, language interruption)
  4. Political split Hawar vs Cindî
  5. Missing ISO-639 recognition (visibility problem)

Counter-factors:

  1. Êzîdî awareness strongly increased after 2014
  2. Diaspora language schools emerged since 2014
  3. Online corpora + digital tools
  4. Academic interest (Omarkhali, Allison, Düchting)

APPENDIX A: GLOSSARY OF LINGUISTIC TERMS (DE-KMR-DE)

German Êzdîkî / Kurmancî Note
Sprache ziman / zimanê (m, sg)
Wort peyv / xeber
Satz hevok / cumle hevok = modern, cumle = ar.
Grammatik rêziman rê + ziman
Phonologie dengnasî deng = sound, -nasî = -study
Morphologie peyvsazî peyv-sazî
Syntax hevoksazî hevok-sazî
Semantik wateçandinî / wate wate = meaning
Dialekt zarava
Wörterbuch ferheng from Persian
Buchstabe herf / tîp herf = Arabic; tîp = Persian
Alphabet alfabe / elîfba from Arabic
Aussprache bilêvkirin
Verb lêker
Substantiv navdêr
Adjektiv rengdêr rengdêr = color-doer
Adverb hoker
Präposition daçek
Pronomen cînav cî + nav (substitute)
Numerus hejmar
Genus zayend (m=nêr, f=mê)
Kasus rewş / halet rewş = mod.; halet = Arabic

APPENDIX B: CITATION NOTE

When using this synthesis, cite as:

ezdixan.de Linguistic Deep Scan (2026): Êzdîkî as a Kurmancî variety, phonology, morphology, syntax, dialect atlas, writing systems. Synthesis of Kreyenbroek, Asatrian, Chyet, Thackston, Omarkhali and others. Online: ezdixan.de/linguistik/

Primary sources for deeper research (recommendation):

  • Thackston (2006) for grammar reference
  • Chyet (2003) for the lexicon
  • Omarkhali (2017) for the textual tradition
  • Asatrian/Arakelova (2009/2011) for the identity-/language interface
  • Kreyenbroek/Rashow (2008) for sacred texts
  • Öpengin/Haig (2014), Matras (2017) for dialect classification

Online sources (verified, as of 06/2026)

Note: Wikipedia serves here only as an entry/overview source; the primary works cited within it are authoritative (MacKenzie, Haig/Öpengin, Paul).

See also: Grammatik with complete conjugation and declension tables, Glossar for vocabulary, Alphabet-Historie on the writing systems, Qewl-Tradition on the sacred language, as well as Identität & Ethnogenese and Religion.

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