Lalîş: the Heart of Êzîdism

Lalîş (also Laliş, Lalish; in Arabic/Kurdish sometimes Laleş) is the central sanctuary of the Êzîdî and the holiest site of their religion. Located in a narrow, wooded valley in the Şêxan district of northern Iraq, it holds the mausoleum of Şêx Adî ibn Musafir and is regarded as the earthly center of the world, the place where, according to Êzîdî tradition, creation began and where the holy beings are present on earth. Every Êzîdî is obliged to visit Lalîş at least once in their lifetime.

Lalîş is far more than a place of pilgrimage: it is the spiritual point of reference for daily prayer, the birthplace of the most important rites (among them the baptism mor-kirin), and the gathering place of the great autumn festival Cejna Cemaiyê. Here, architecture, water, thresholds, and the light of the towers come together in a dense web of religious meaning.

Note on spelling: On this portal we use the Kurmanji-Latin form Lalîş and the terms Êzîdî/Yazidis (not “Yazidi” in the pejorative sense, except in direct quotations). The supreme holy angel Tawûsî Melek is never equated with the “devil,” see Tawûsî Melek.

Location and Geography

Lalîş lies in the Şêxan district (Kurmanji Şêxan, “Land of the Sheikhs”) of Nineveh Province in northern Iraq, today part of the Kurdistan Region. The valley is situated about 60 kilometers north of Mosul and roughly 14 kilometers west of the town of Eyn Sifnî (Ain Sifni), at an elevation of approximately 861 meters.

An important distinction must be drawn against a frequent confusion: Lalîş does not lie in the Sinjar Mountains (Şingal). Şingal, the second great Êzîdî core region and the scene of the 2014 genocide, is located about 150 kilometers further west, beyond the Tigris. Lalîş, by contrast, is the religious center within the eastern settlement area of the Êzîdî, in the hilly foothills of the Kurdish mountains.

The sanctuary nestles into a narrow valley floor covered with dense oak and mulberry trees. The Êzîdî sacred topography assigns the valley to three surrounding hills named after holy places of other traditions, among them a Mount Arafat and a Şerat-Bridge motif (pira selat), which recalls the otherworldly span over hell. These names point to the Êzîdî self-understanding of possessing in Lalîş an image of the entire sacred geography.

Religious Significance and the Obligation to Pilgrimage

Lalîş is the Qibla of the Êzîdî: the direction toward which they turn in prayer. Just as a central sanctuary forms the point of reference for piety in other religions, so Êzîdî prayer, such as the prayer to the rising sun, is directed toward Lalîş. The site thus links the cosmic veneration of the divine light (see Religion) with a concrete geographical center.

According to Êzîdî teaching, every believer is obliged to make a pilgrimage to Lalîş at least once in their lifetime, to visit the grave of Şêx Adî and the other holy sites of the valley. The ideal pilgrimage lasts several days and comprises a sequence of stations: kneeling at the gates, kissing the thresholds, drinking and washing at the holy springs, crossing the symbolic bridge, and lingering at the mausoleum.

Pilgrimage in Lalîş is not solely solemn and serious. Often whole families come across generations, picnic in the groves, have their children baptized, and celebrate weddings. This combination of deep holiness and relaxed community shapes the special character of the place.

The Mausoleum of Şêx Adî ibn Musafir

At the center of the sanctuary stands the mausoleum of Şêx Adî ibn Musafir (died around 1162). Şêx Adî, a mystic of the early 12th century who came from the Lebanon/Bekaa region, settled in the valley of Lalîş, gathered followers around him, and was buried there after his death. In Êzîdî sacred history he is regarded as a central holy figure, as an earthly manifestation of the divine and the focal point of the holy genealogy. His name appears in numerous Qewl (sacred hymns, see Qewl tradition), where he is closely interwoven with the supreme angel.

The tomb building is the focal point for all pilgrims. Above the sarcophagus rises one of the characteristic conical, fluted towers. The interior is surrounded by courtyards, colonnades, and chambers; the colorful knotted cloths of the pilgrims hang on the walls and pillars. On a wall beside the entrance portal the famous black serpent is depicted (see below).

The mausoleum is not only a burial site but a living cult space: here rites are performed, holy objects are kept, and during the autumn festival the great ceremonies are held.

Further Shrines in the Valley

Lalîş is not a single building but an ensemble of courtyards, springs, and several shrines spread across the entire valley floor. The mausoleum of Şêx Adî forms the center, to which further sanctuaries adjoin on three sides. Among the best known are:

• Şêx Hesen (Şêxisin): The mausoleum of Şêx Hesen directly borders the great assembly hall and is structurally connected to the tomb building of Şêx Adî. Şêx Hesen is regarded as one of the central figures of the holy genealogy.
• Şêx Şems (Şemsê / “Sun”): The shrine located to the west is dedicated to the solar saint, who is associated with the divine light. At his shrine the bull sacrifice is offered during the autumn festival.
• Ezdîna Mîr: Also located in the western part of the valley, one of the venerable shrines of the ensemble.
• Şêx Ûbekir (Şêx Abû Bekir): In the rear area of the main building rests the sarcophagus of this saint, covered with a black cloth.
• Kaniya Sipî: The “White Spring” located to the southwest, with the baptismal basin (see below).

Beyond these, numerous smaller chambers, towers, and niches in the valley bear the names of further holy beings. On the formal language of these buildings and their spread beyond the Êzîdî settlement areas, see Sanctuaries and Sanctuaries and sacred architecture.

The Holy Springs: Kaniya Sipî and Zimzim

Within and around the sanctuary, two holy waters rise that are of the highest rank for Êzîdî piety.

Kaniya Sipî: the White Spring

The Kaniya Sipî (“White Spring”) is regarded as the source water of creation. In Êzîdî cosmogony its water stands for the primordial source from which all later being emerged. From it the consecrated water for the baptism is drawn. Where Êzîdî live too far from Lalîş to have the child baptized there, the water of the White Spring is brought to them in vessels so that the rite can also be performed in distant places, for example in the diaspora.

Zimzim

The second holy spring, Zimzim (also Zemzem), lies in a dark grotto beneath the mausoleum. Its name deliberately takes up the holy spring Zamzam of Mecca and once again underscores the claim of Lalîş to carry within itself its own, complete sacred geography. Pilgrims drink of its water, wash themselves, and take it home with them.

Mor-kirin: the Êzîdî Baptism

The term mor-kirin literally means “to seal, to stamp” and denotes the baptismal rite by which an Êzîdî child is formally received into the community. In its execution it resembles Christian baptism: the child is poured over the head three times with the water of the Kaniya Sipî.

Ideally mor-kirin takes place in Lalîş itself; all Êzîdî who live close enough perform the rite there. Since the consecrated water is transportable, however, the baptism can in principle take place anywhere, an important mechanism that secures religious cohesion across the widely scattered diaspora. The baptism is one of the formative stations of the Êzîdî life cycle (more on rites and transitions under Traditions).

Threshold Etiquette: Cilûka and the Holiness of Doorsills

Whoever enters Lalîş follows a strict etiquette that makes the holy character of the place physically tangible.

• Barefoot: The entire sanctuary is entered without shoes; pilgrims leave their footwear at the entrance.
• Do not step on thresholds: The doorsills (cilûka / kolek) of the countless gates and portals must never be touched with the foot. One steps over them and often kisses them in greeting. To step on a threshold is considered a gross desecration.

This practice runs throughout the entire valley: every door marks a transition into a holier space, and the threshold itself is an object of veneration. The careful observance of these rules is an expression of humility and purity, central values of Êzîdî piety.

The Conical Towers: Light and Sunbeams

The unmistakable landmark of Lalîş are the conical, longitudinally fluted towers that rise above the mausoleum and above numerous further shrines in the valley. They form the core of Êzîdî sacred architecture (a collective overview of shrine forms can be found under Sanctuaries).

The building type follows a clear scheme: above a cube-shaped substructure that holds the grave or cenotaph rises, on a drum, a conical peak made of several sharp longitudinal ridges (folds). These ribs are not mere ornament:

• The fluted conical form symbolizes the rays of the sun that illuminate the earth and humanity. In Êzîdism, sunlight is the visible expression of the divine light; the towers translate this theology into stone.
• The tip of the cone often bears a bronze finial of one or more spheres, crowned by a ring, crescent moon, and a star or hand symbol. This finial stands for the cosmos: the planets, the sun, and the stars created by God.

Spread across the entire valley, alongside the towers, are further meaning-bearing signs: the image of the peacock (symbol of Tawûsî Melek), sun symbols as signs of the divine light, and the mysterious black serpent at the portal of the mausoleum. According to one tradition, Şêx Mend, a companion of Şêx Adî and the earthly appearance of one of the holy beings, transformed into this serpent and fended off a tribe that wanted to force the Êzîdî to convert to Islam by violence.

Cejna Cemaiyê: the Autumn Festival of the Assembly

The great climax of the Êzîdî festival calendar in Lalîş is the Cejna Cemaiyê (“Festival of the Assembly” / “Festival of the Community”), celebrated each year from October 6 to 13, over seven festival days, traditionally described as a six-day pilgrimage to the grave of Şêx Adî. During these days the Êzîdî community streams together from all over the world in the holiest valley; it is the most important time of unity, renewal, and encounter (an overview of all holidays is offered by the festival calendar).

The festival days are structured into a dense sequence of rites:

• Early days: ritual washings at the holy springs and the crossing of the Şerat-Bridge (pira selat) under torches and with song.
• Sema procession: A solemn procession with the highest religious dignitaries, the Mîr (prince), the Babê Şêx, and the Pîr, accompanied by the Qewals, the trained singers of the sacred hymns. In a ritual choreography, men dressed in white circle around a holy torch lit in the center, which symbolizes both God and the sun.
• Fourth day (October 10): Renewal of the Perî: the consecrated cloths at the shrines are replaced with freshly dyed fabrics; a symbol of renewal.
• Fifth day (October 11): the bull sacrifice at the shrine of Şêx Şems (solar saint). The meat is cooked and distributed to the pilgrims together with boiled wheat.
• Sixth day (October 12): the ceremonial carrying and washing of the Berê Şibakê, a holy copper lattice object, in a consecrated basin.

Beyond the rites, the Cejna Cemaiyê is also the great social event of the Êzîdî: tribal leaders, religious dignitaries, and ordinary believers come together, and shared meals, dances, and encounters strengthen the community before God and the Seven Holy Beings.

Destructions, Threats, and Protection

Over the centuries Lalîş was repeatedly the target of assaults that stand in the broader context of the persecutions directed against the Êzîdî (Fermane) (see Genocides worldwide).

• 1892: In the course of the campaigns of the Ottoman general Omar Wehbi Pasha, the valley was occupied, the shrines plundered, and the mausoleum temporarily converted into a Quran school. Only in 1904 did the Êzîdî, under the leadership of Mîr Alî Beg, succeed in regaining their sanctuary.
• 2014: During the genocide of the so-called “Islamic State” (ISIS) against the Êzîdî of Şingal, Lalîş itself was spared conquest and became a refuge: refugees from Şingal sought protection in the valley. The genocide primarily struck the western core region, yet it threatened the religious survival of the entire community, whose center is Lalîş.

Today Lalîş stands on the Tentative List of UNESCO World Heritage: an expression of its outstanding cultural and religious significance and a step toward its lasting protection.

Present-Day Administration

Lalîş lies in the Kurdistan Region (Iraq) and is cared for by the highest institutions of the Êzîdî religion. The spiritual head is the Mîr (the hereditary prince of the Êzîdî) together with the Babê Şêx as the supreme religious dignitary; the Spiritual Council (Encumena Ruhanî) watches over religious affairs. Guardians and temple servants (feqîr, kocek, and others) live permanently in the valley, tending the shrines, caring for the holy fires and springs, and receiving the pilgrims.

The sanctuary is today a living place of pilgrimage that receives pilgrims and visitors year-round and, especially during the Cejna Cemaiyê, becomes the center of the religious life of all Êzîdî.

Related Topics

• Religion: faith, cosmology, and piety of the Êzîdî
• Tawûsî Melek: Tawûsî Melek, the supreme holy angel
• Sanctuaries: collective overview of Êzîdî sacred architecture
• Genealogy: Şêx Adî and the holy genealogy
• Festival calendar: the Êzîdî festival calendar at a glance
• Qewl tradition: the oral hymn tradition (Qewl)
• Genocides worldwide: persecutions (Fermane) and genocides
• Diaspora: Êzîdî outside the core regions

Sources

Standard scholarly literature:

• Philip G. Kreyenbroek: Yezidism, Its Background, Observances and Textual Tradition. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 1995.
• Philip G. Kreyenbroek / Khalil Jindy Rashow: God and Sheikh Adi are Perfect, Sacred Poems and Religious Narratives from the Yezidi Tradition. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2005.
• Khanna Omarkhali: The Yezidi Religious Textual Tradition, From Oral to Written. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2017.
• Eszter Spät: The Yezidis. London: Saqi Books, 2005.
• Birgül Açıkyıldız: The Yazidis, The History of a Community, Culture and Religion. London: I.B. Tauris, 2010.

Online sources verified (accessed June 2026):

• Encyclopaedia Iranica, “JAŽN-Ā JAMĀʿIYA” (Festival of the Assembly): https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/jazn-a-jamaiya/
• Encyclopaedia Iranica, “YAZIDIS ii. INITIATION IN YAZIDISM” (mor-kirin, baptism): https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/yazidis-ii-initiation-in-yazidism/
• Mesopotamia Heritage, “The Spiritual Centre of Lalish and the mausoleum of Sheikh Adi”: https://www.mesopotamiaheritage.org/en/monuments/le-centre-spirituel-yezidi-de-lalesh-et-le-mausolee-de-cheikh-adi/
• UNESCO World Heritage Centre, Tentative List, “Lalish Temple”: https://whc.unesco.org/en/tentativelists/6467/
• Wikipedia, “Lalish”: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lalish
• Wikipedia, “Cejna Cemayê”: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cejna_Cemayê
• Kurdish History, “Cejna Cemaiye: The Yazidi Feast of the Assembly”: https://www.kurdish-history.com/post/cejna-cemaiye
• Atlas Obscura, “Lalish Temple”: https://www.atlasobscura.com/places/lalish-temple

Berat: the consecrated clay pellets from Lalîş

One of the most tangible connections that Yazidis maintain with their sanctuary is the Berat (also barat, berat): small, consecrated pellets that are produced exclusively in Lalîş. In material form they embody the bond with the holiest place in the world and with the substance from which, according to Yazidi creation doctrine, the earth was formed.

Production

Berat are made from earth of the holy valley, which is mixed with the water of the holy springs (above all the Kaniya Sipî) and further ingredients into a dough. From this mass small, pearl- or sphere-shaped white pellets are formed, which are then dried. Their making is entrusted to dedicated religious dignitaries in Lalîş; the Berat are considered holy only by virtue of their origin in the consecrated soil and water of the valley and cannot lawfully be produced anywhere else.

Meaning

Theologically, the Berat ties in with the Yazidi creation myth: Lalîş is regarded as the place that was first created in heaven by God and then descended to the earth as the first point. The Berat is thus a physical testimony of the connection between the believer and this primordial, holy soil, a piece of the holiest earth itself. Scholarship has aptly described the Berat as “a handful of consecrated light,” because in Yazidi thinking the divine light and the holy origin are condensed within it. A temple servant of the feqîr family in Lalîş described the Berat, in essence, as a kind of “passport” that identifies its bearer as a member of the Yazidi community.

Use

Like the water of the holy springs, the Berat are transportable and are taken home from Lalîş by pilgrims. There they are treated with reverence and serve as signs of protection and blessing for the household; often every Yazidi woman and man carries a Berat as a kind of talisman. In this way the Berat fulfills, similar to the consecrated baptismal water (see mor-kirin), an important function for religious cohesion across the widely scattered diaspora.

The Berat are of particular significance in the rites of passage of the life cycle:

• At a marriage they play a role as a sign of blessing and bonding.
• At burials, the consecrated earth from Lalîş (mixed with the holy water) is placed on the eyes, ears, and mouth of the deceased, a rite that connects the dead with the holy place of origin.

The Berat is thus not only an object of devotion but a continuous bond that links the individual person, from marriage to death, with Lalîş and the sacred geography of Yazidism.