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Êzîdî Architecture and Sanctuaries

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This article describes the sacred architecture of the Êzîdîs, with a focus on Lalîş: the central sanctuary in the Şêxan district north of Mosul (northern Iraq). It draws on the scholarly religious-studies and art-historical literature (above all Açıkyıldız 2010, Kreyenbroek 1995, Allison 2001, Spät 2005/2010, Omarkhali 2017) as well as on documenting institutions (UNESCO, ALIPH Foundation, World Monuments Fund). Proper names are rendered in the Latin Êzîdî spelling (Hawar).


Introduction

The religion of the Êzîdîs has no single, centrally standardized house of worship in the sense of a mosque or a church, but rather a network of sanctuaries, mausoleums, sacred springs, caves, trees, and groves distributed across their settlement areas. At the center of this sacred landscape lies the valley of Lalîş, the holiest place of the Êzîdîs, in which the tomb of the reformer Şêx Adî ibn Musafir (d. 1162) is located (Açıkyıldız 2010; UNESCO Tentative List 6467, 2011).

Characteristic of Êzîdî sacred architecture is the cone-shaped, longitudinally fluted tower (Kurd. qubbe / quba) above the shrines, a structural element that recurs from Lalîş across Şingal (Sinjar) and Şêxan as far as the Armenian and Georgian diaspora, and that makes the religion architecturally recognizable (Açıkyıldız 2010). This article situates the architecture within its theological meaning, describes the pilgrimage and its rituals, and addresses the destruction of Êzîdî sites by the so-called “Islamic State” (IS) from 2014 onward as well as their reconstruction.

Terminological note: In what follows, Tawûsî Melek denotes the “Peacock Angel,” the foremost of the seven angelic beings, he is not to be equated with the “devil” (a defamation ascribed from the outside). Xwedê is the Êzîdî word for God and is not synonymous with “Allah.” Sersal (“Head of the Year,” the Êzîdî New Year in April) is an independent festival and is not identical with the Kurdish Newroz.


1. Lalîş: the central sanctuary

1.1 Location and sacred geography

Lalîş (also Lalişa Nûranî, “the light-filled Lalîş”) lies in the Şêxan district in the Nineveh Governorate, in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, some 60 km north of Mosul and about 12 km east of the small town of Şêxan, at an altitude of roughly 861 m (Wikipedia “Lalish,” based on the Encyclopaedia Iranica; Mesopotamia Heritage). The narrow valley is enclosed by three mountains that are themselves charged with sacred meaning in Êzîdî tradition, in the literature usually named Hizret (west), Erefat/Arafat (north), and Mişet/Misat (south); the precise readings vary among the sources.

The complex is to be understood not as a single building but as a sacred landscape: the temple complex, springs, caves, bridges, trees, and pilgrim paths together form a space whose individual stations the pilgrims pass through in a fixed sequence (Spät 2010, Places of Pilgrimage; Kreyenbroek 1995). According to the survey by the Mesopotamia Heritage project, the main complex covers about 4,500 m² and is divided into a religious core area (mausoleums, springs, assembly halls) and profane zones (pilgrim lodgings, kitchen, storerooms).

1.2 History and foundation

In the early 12th century Şêx Adî ibn Musafir: a scholar of Lebanese origin and founder of the Sufi Adawiyya order, moved to Lalîş and founded a hermitage (zawiya) there. After his death in 1162 he was buried on the spot; his tomb became the crystallization point of the later Êzîdî religion (Wikipedia “Lalish,” after the Encyclopaedia Iranica; Kreyenbroek 1995). Over the following centuries the complex grew: the mausoleum of Şêx Hesen was built after his death in 1254, and further halls and shrines were added in the 13th century.

Lalîş was repeatedly the target of attacks and expropriation. In 1892 the valley was annexed in the course of Ottoman-Islamic repression and temporarily converted into an Islamic school; only in 1904 did the Êzîdîs, under Mîr Alî Beg, succeed in recovering their sanctuary (Wikipedia “Lalish,” after the Encyclopaedia Iranica). Since 2011 Lalîş has been on the Tentative List of UNESCO World Heritage (ID 6467).

1.3 The mausoleum of Şêx Adî and the cone-shaped towers

The heart of the complex is the mausoleum of Şêx Adî (Quba Şêxadî). It follows the basic type of Êzîdî sacred buildings: a cubic substructure containing the burial chamber, above it a transitional zone (drum), and finally the characteristic cone-shaped, fluted tower. The sarcophagus is veiled with colorful strips of cloth (perî); the interior is lit by small light openings and oil lamps (Açıkyıldız 2010; Mesopotamia Heritage).

The symbolism of the fluted conical towers is well attested in religious history: according to the architectural historian Birgül Açıkyıldız, the folded cone symbolizes the rays of the sun that illuminate the earth and humanity: the vertical ribs run from the apex down to the circular base, which in turn represents the earth receiving the light of the sun (Açıkyıldız 2010, cited after Mesopotamia Heritage; UNESCO 6467). This light symbolism corresponds to the central position of the sun in Êzîdî piety (cf. the sun sanctuary of Şêx Şems, → 1.6).

On top of the tower there often sits a bronze finial consisting of one or more spheres, supplemented by a ring, a crescent, or another celestial sign, around which colorful cloths are again knotted (Açıkyıldız 2010). The number of flutes is usually 24, 28, or 32, occasionally 40.

Construction technique and material: The walls are traditionally made of pale limestone; the interior is plastered and has been darkened over the centuries by the oil and wax of the lamps. In 20th-century restorations (among them 1989) marble was used in the interior. East of the Şêx Adî mausoleum lie three barrel-vaulted storerooms in which the ritual olive oil for the lamps is kept in large jars (kûp), obtained from the sacred olive groves of Bahzanî (Mesopotamia Heritage; Açıkyıldız 2010).

Architectural comparison (attested): The square ground plan with a dome rising above it on a drum corresponds to conventions of the 12th–13th centuries that are also found at Shi’ite mausoleums in the region around Mosul (Açıkyıldız 2010, cited after Mesopotamia Heritage). The Êzîdî distinctiveness lies in the folded, strongly verticalized cone instead of the smooth hemisphere, a regionally unique type. Possible older, pre-Islamic roots (Mesopotamian, Mithraic/Zoroastrian) are discussed in scholarship; such interpretations remain hypothetical and should be treated with source-critical caution (cf. Kreyenbroek 1995).

1.4 The sacred springs: Kanîya Spî and Zemzem

Within Lalîş two sacred springs rise that are of the utmost importance for Êzîdî piety (Wikipedia “Lalish”; Açıkyıldız 2010).

Kanîya Spî (“White Spring”) is the only baptistery of Êzîdîsm: here the baptismal/water-consecration ritual morkirin is performed, which every Êzîdî should ideally receive once in a lifetime (preferably in childhood). The room is rectangular, oriented east-west, with stone basins and wall niches for oil lamps; it is barrel-vaulted inside and covered on the outside by a fluted segmental dome (Mesopotamia Heritage; Açıkyıldız 2010).

Zemzem (Kanîya Zemzem) lies underground in a cave beneath the area of the mausoleum of Şêx Hesen; a narrow staircase leads down to it. The water is regarded as the holiest water point of the complex; access is reserved for Êzîdîs. The name refers by way of analogy to the Zemzem well of Mecca, yet the Êzîdî spring is independently embedded in the local sacred geography (Wikipedia “Lalish”; Açıkyıldız 2010). Mesopotamia Heritage records that the spring is traditionally associated with Zoroastrian and Mithraic notions, an attribution that the source reports without asserting it as an established historical fact.

1.5 Caves, the bridge, and the threshold taboos

Several further stations shape the pilgrim path through Lalîş:

  • Pira Silat (Silat/Sirat Bridge): a stone bridge over the valley stream that symbolically marks the boundary between the profane and the sacred zone. It is associated with the eschatological “bridge” (Sirat), a religious motif widespread throughout the Near East (Açıkyıldız 2010; Spät 2010).
  • Sacred caves beneath the main sanctuary, which are incorporated into the pilgrimage rite.
  • Sacred trees, foremost among them a mulberry tree directly in front of the gate to the Şêx Adî mausoleum, to which pilgrims tie scraps of cloth.

A universal feature of the sanctuary are the threshold taboos and rules of conduct (Açıkyıldız 2010; Spät 2010; travel reports/Atlas Obscura):

  • The threshold (sîpîr) may never be stepped on or touched, it is regarded as sacred; pilgrims step over the threshold (often with the left foot first).
  • Door frames and entrances are kissed before entering.
  • Throughout the whole complex there is a barefoot requirement: no one enters the sacred valley wearing shoes, not even in winter.

1.6 The serpent at the gate: meaning and myth

To the right of the entrance to the mausoleum of Şêx Adî there is a large relief of an upright black serpent, blackened by the soot of the sacred oil lamps; above the lintel the motif of the peacock is worked in (Spät 2010; Atlas Obscura). Pilgrims reverently touch the serpent as they enter, the touch is held to bring blessing and good fortune.

The meaning of the serpent has been interpreted mythologically in several ways (Omarkhali 2011, The Serpent Symbolism in the Yezidi Religious Tradition; Spät 2010): according to a widespread tradition, a black serpent saved Noah’s Ark from sinking by coiling itself into a leak and thus sealing it, thereby securing the survival of humans and animals. In other narratives the serpent stands for protection, wisdom, and knowledge. The black serpent is thus not a threatening but a preserving symbol, something that the hostile outside perception of the Êzîdîs has additionally misunderstood.


2. The pilgrimage: Cejna Cemaiyye (Autumn Assembly)

The greatest and holiest festival of the Êzîdî year is the Cejna Cemaiyye, or Cejna Cemayê (“Feast of the Assembly”), a seven-day pilgrimage to Lalîş that takes place annually from 6 to 13 October in honor of Şêx Adî (Wikipedia “Cejna Cemayê”; Encyclopaedia Iranica, Jažn-ā Jamāʿiya; Kreyenbroek 1995). Whoever is able should make the pilgrimage to Lalîş at least once in a lifetime; those living in the region try to come to the Autumn Assembly every year.

During the festival the entire community gathers in one place, tribal chiefs, religious dignitaries, and the spiritual leader (Baba Şêx). The course follows a fixed ritual dramaturgy (Wikipedia “Cejna Cemayê”; Spät 2010):

  • Days 1–3 (general rites): Pilgrims perform the morkirin (water consecration) at the Kanîya Spî and the selakirin (“holy greeting”) at the Zemzem spring, circumambulate the tomb of Şêx Adî, and cross the Pira Silat with burning torches while singing Qewls (sacred hymns). Each evening the Sema Êvarî takes place: twelve men dressed in white circle around a sacred torch kindled in the center.
  • Day 4 (10 Oct.), Consecration of the Perî: The colorful strips of cloth (perî) that adorn the shrines are renewed and blessed with spring water, a symbol of the renewal of nature.
  • Day 5 (11 Oct.), Qebax/Qebaxgêran: At the shrine of Şêx Şems (angel of the sun and member of the Heft Sirr, the seven angels) a bull is ritually sacrificed. Its meat is distributed to the pilgrims as consecrated food (simat) together with wheat; participants attach green twigs to their headgear as a sign of the “coming of the green of the earth.”
  • Day 6 (12 Oct.), Berê Şibakê: A copper lattice/throne structure is carried in a solemn procession to a sacred basin, consecrated there, and brought back to the shrine.
  • Day 7, Conclusion: The pilgrims dance the Govenda Derê Kanîya Spî and draw sacred water, which they take home with them.

Throughout the festival, processions, communal meals (simat), recitation of Qewls, animal sacrifices, the lighting of candles and lamps, as well as dances, music, and markets are all part of the proceedings (Wikipedia “Cejna Cemayê”; Nadia’s Initiative 2022).

Research note: Some authors draw parallels between the bull sacrifice and the ancient Iranian Mihragan festival or Mithraic traditions. This interpretation is disputed in scholarship and should be read as a hypothesis, not as an established derivation (cf. Kreyenbroek 1995; Spät 2010).

2.1 Recurring ritual elements

Several of the Lalîş rituals are also found outside the Autumn Assembly and shape the sacred architecture in built form:

  • Olive-oil lamps: Before sunset, 365 oil lamps are lit in and around the sanctuaries, a number that stands for the days of the year and symbolizes the light of the sun as the light of God (Kurdistan24; channel8). For this purpose every mausoleum has wall niches for votive lamps. (The frequently circulating phrase of “365 shrines” is inaccurate: what is attested are 365 lamps or the notion of 365 sacred beings/Xudan in the Êzîdî pantheon, not 365 buildings.)
  • Knotted cloths / wish ritual: At sacred columns (Stûna Mîraza), trees, and shrines, pilgrims tie knots in silk or cloth wraps to express a wish, and at the same time untie an older knot, a “passing on” of the requested favor to the next petitioner (Spät 2010; Açıkyıldız 2010).
  • Sacred trees and groves, whose olive oil (from Bahzanî) and fruits are used ritually.

3. Basic architectural elements of Êzîdî sacred buildings

Across all regions, Lalîş, Şingal, Şêxan, Bashiqa/Bahzanî, the diaspora, recurring structural elements can be identified (Açıkyıldız 2010):

The folded conical tower (qubbe). The leitmotif: a cone-shaped, longitudinally fluted tower above a multi-tiered drum that frequently mediates from the square via the octagon to the circle (the transition often by means of squinches). The fluting (usually 24/28/32, rarely 40 segments) symbolizes the rays of the sun (Açıkyıldız 2010). Material: pale limestone.

The finial (pinnacle). A bronze/copper top with sphere(s), ring, and celestial sign; the sign varies regionally (in Şingal frequently a crescent, in Bashiqa/Bahzanî sometimes a hand). Colored cloths are knotted around it.

Thresholds, doors, taboos. Low entrances that require bending down (a gesture of respect); the untouchable threshold; kissed door frames; the barefoot requirement.

Apotropaic symbols. The black serpent as a protective symbol (Noah myth); regionally also scorpion depictions (above all in Şingal), interpreted as protection against evil.

Wall niches for oil lamps in every mausoleum; sacred springs, basins, and reservoirs; as well as assembly halls (e.g., the Mereka in Lalîş) for liturgy and community.

Numerical symbolism. The number seven (Heft Sirr, the seven angels) shapes sacred ensembles; in the great diaspora temple of Aknalich/Armenia it is taken up architecturally by seven domes around a central eighth (→ 5).


4. Sanctuaries in Şingal (Sinjar) and in Şêxan

In addition to Lalîş, the Şingal mountains (Sinjar) and the Şêxan region in the Nineveh Plain form the densest belts of sanctuaries.

4.1 Şingal / Sinjar

  • Şerfedîn temple (Şeref ed-Dîn), near Sinûnê, after Lalîş the second most important sanctuary, dedicated to Şeref ed-Dîn (Sharaf ad-Dîn ibn al-Hasan), the son of Şêx Hesen; the saint fell, according to the sources, around 1258 in the fight against the Mongols, whereas the foundation stone of the temple bears the year 1274 (year of construction, not of death). Characteristic are two cone-shaped spires with golden spheres and a crescent (Wikipedia “Sharfadin Temple”).
  • Mam Reşan / Mam Rashan shrine on Sinjar, ca. 12th century, dedicated to a saint (Xudan) associated with rain, agriculture, and harvest. A tall conical tower above a square chamber. Destroyed by IS in 2014, reconstructed by the ALIPH Foundation and the World Monuments Fund (opening around 2020) (ALIPH Foundation; WMF/Culture in Crisis).
  • Çel Mêra / Chermera (“Forty Men”) on the highest summit of Şingal, a summit sanctuary in which 40 saints are said to be buried.

4.2 Şêxan and Bashiqa/Bahzanî

  • Şêx Mend in Ain Sifni (Şêxan): a shrine dedicated to the “Lord of Snakes” with a divergent architecture: square and with a flat roof (no conical tower), as well as a serpent depiction at the gate (Spät, Black Snake; Açıkyıldız 2010).
  • Sacred olive grove of Şêx Bekir near Bahzanî, the source of the ritual olive oil; severely damaged by IS arson in 2014–2016 (about 800 of 3,000 olive trees burned) and since then rehabilitated by ALIPH (ALIPH Foundation).
  • In Bashiqa and Bahzanî numerous mausoleums were destroyed in 2014 and rebuilt for the most part by the diaspora.

5. The diaspora sanctuaries

With migration, Êzîdî temples also arose outside Iraq, taking up the Lalîş style and developing it further:

  • Quba Mêrê Dîwanê in Aknalich (Armenia), opened in 2019: the largest Êzîdî temple in the world. The Armenian architect Artak Ghulyan designed a building of granite and marble with seven domes around a central arched dome; the seven refers to the Heft Sirr (seven angels) (Wikipedia “Quba Mêrê Dîwanê”). Close by stands the older Ziyaret temple of 2012, the first Êzîdî temple in the post-Soviet space.
  • Sultan Êzîd temple in Tbilisi (Georgia), opened in 2015: in the classic Lalîş style with a single conical spire; a theological academy is attached to it.
  • In Germany, the first assembly and prayer buildings as well as Êzîdî cemetery sections have been arising since the 2010s (among others in Augsburg and Bielefeld); the Êzîdî Academy of Hannover (founded in 2009) is the leading scholarly-cultural institution.

6. Destruction from 2014 onward and reconstruction

In August 2014 the so-called “Islamic State” perpetrated a genocide against the Êzîdîs in Sinjar: around 3,100 killed (PLOS estimate; other sources up to ~5,000), about 6,800 abducted women and children, about 400,000 displaced. Religious sites were deliberately sought out and destroyed in the process (The Art Newspaper 2023; Forensic Architecture; Rudaw). According to the most frequently cited surveys, around 68 shrines in the region were damaged or destroyed, among them the Mam Reşan shrine, libraries in Bahzanî, and parts of the olive grove of Şêx Bekir.

The reconstruction has since been carried out above all by the Geneva-based ALIPH Foundation, the World Monuments Fund, Nadia’s Initiative, and local communities; Forensic Architecture documented the destruction forensically (ALIPH Foundation; WMF/Culture in Crisis; Forensic Architecture). Among the completed projects are the Mam Rashan shrine and the temples of Şêx Hesen and Şêx Mend in Sinjar, as well as the rehabilitation of the sacred grove of Şêx Bekir. Many mausoleums in Bashiqa and Bahzanî were rebuilt by the diaspora without state assistance.

Lalîş itself was spared direct destruction and became an anchor of refuge and identity. Since 2011 it has been on the UNESCO Tentative List (ID 6467); efforts toward its permanent preservation and possible recognition as World Heritage are ongoing (UNESCO; Ezidi24).


Sources

Scholarly literature

  • Açıkyıldız, Birgül (2010): The Yezidis. The History of a Community, Culture and Religion. London: I.B. Tauris., Standard work on Êzîdî sacred architecture (among other things, the sun-ray symbolism of the conical towers, building phases of Lalîş).
  • Kreyenbroek, Philip G. (1995): Yezidism, Its Background, Observances and Textual Tradition. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press., Religious history, festivals, source criticism of pre-Islamic attributions.
  • Allison, Christine (2001): The Yezidi Oral Tradition in Iraqi Kurdistan. Richmond: Curzon., Oral tradition and references to sanctuaries.
  • Spät, Eszter (2005): The Yezidis. London: Saqi; as well as Spät (2010): Places of Pilgrimage / studies on the Sanjak tradition and on serpent/Mam Reşan symbolism.
  • Omarkhali, Khanna (2011): The Serpent Symbolism in the Yezidi Religious Tradition and the Snake in Yerevan., on the meaning of the black serpent. Cf. also Omarkhali (2017): The Yezidi Religious Textual Tradition. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Institutions and reference works

Encyclopedic and journalistic sources (for the overview presentation)

  • Wikipedia (EN): Lalish, Cejna Cemayê, Yazidism, Sharfadin Temple, Quba Mêrê Dîwanê, Mam Rashan Shrine, Sheikh Mand.
  • Kurdistan24, channel8: on the symbolism of the 365 oil lamps and on festival traditions.
  • Atlas Obscura: Lalish Temple (travel documentation, serpent/threshold practice).

Verification and accuracy note: Architectural measurements and building phases follow Açıkyıldız (2010) and the Mesopotamia Heritage project. Pre-Islamic derivations (Mithraic/Zoroastrian) are disputed in scholarship and are expressly marked in the text as attribution/hypothesis. The number “365” demonstrably refers to oil lamps or sacred beings (Xudan), not to 365 shrine buildings. The casualty figures of the 2014 genocide and the figure of ~68 destroyed shrines follow the most frequently cited NGO and press surveys and may vary slightly depending on the source.

As of: 2026-06-04.

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